Born to migrant workers and unable to speak
English until he was nine years old, Albert
Bustamante was eventually elected to Congress
from the poor Hispanic suburbs in South Texas where he
grew up. A self-described political “moderate who hugs the
middle and can go either way,” and an active member of
the Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC), Bustamante
was the swing vote on important Latin American issues
such as aid to Nicaraguan rebels and immigration control
during his four terms in Congress.1
The oldest of 11 children in a family of migrant
workers, Albert Garza Bustamante was born April 8,
1935, in Asherton, Texas. As a child, he picked crops
with his family in Oregon from May to September. “I
know the vicious cycle of migrant life,” he later recalled.
“What we earned in the five months before returning
to Texas in September had to support us the rest of the
year.”2 Bustamante began school at age nine, speaking an
“in-between Spanish dialect” and unable to read or speak
English.3 Hampered by this late start, Bustamante struggled
academically, but managed to graduate from Asherton High
School in 1954. He joined the U.S. Army that same year,
serving as a paratrooper until 1956. Bustamante attended
San Antonio College from 1956 to 1958 before transferring
to Sul Ross State College in Alpine, Texas. Financing his
final semester of education with a $250 loan from a school
janitor, he graduated with a degree in secondary education
in 1961. Bustamante taught at Cooper Junior High School
in San Antonio and coached football and basketball for
seven years. He married Rebecca Pounders, and the couple
raised three children: Albert, John, and Celina.
In 1968 Bustamante got his start in politics as a
constituent aide in the San Antonio-based district office
of U.S. Representative Henry González. He worked
there for three years. But in 1971, believing the liberal Democratic incumbent on the county commission “had
polarized the community, pitting Anglo against Mexican-American,” Bustamante won his first elective office to a
five-year term in the Bexar County Commission.4 In 1978
Bustamante became the first Hispanic American elected
to a major Bexar County office when he won a judgeship.
He was soon recognized as one of the leading conservative
Democrats in the county, which included San Antonio and
its suburbs.5
In 1984 Bustamante took on Abraham Kazen, an
18-year incumbent, for a House seat representing the
northwest San Antonio suburbs in Bexar County. The
diverse district included many middle-class, primarily
white communities outside the city as well as the rural,
mostly Hispanic towns near Laredo, on the Mexican
border. Though its voters leaned Democratic, socially
conservative Hispanics as well as a large military presence
from several nearby air force bases generally made the
district more competitive.6 Bustamante’s greatest obstacle
proved to be the Democratic primary race against the
entrenched incumbent. Bustamante criticized what he
said were Kazen’s scarce accomplishments during his long
career, playing up his ethnicity and the possible increase
of Hispanics in Congress. This strategy was particularly
effective since the primary fell on Cinco de Mayo (May
5), the widely celebrated date of Mexico’s victory over
French invaders in 1862. “Help me on Cinco De Mayo
to declare our independence from an old political family
who has controlled the destiny of this area,” he told a
crowd of Hispanic voters.7 Bustamante upset Kazen in the
Democratic primary, winning every county in the district
and taking 59 percent of the vote to his opponent’s 37
percent. He was unopposed in the general election.
When Bustamante arrived in Washington in 1985, he
was elected president of his Democratic freshman class. He was the first Hispanic to be so honored.8 During his first
term he also received a position on the Democratic Steering
and Policy Committee, which assigned committees and set
party policy. Bustamante was assigned to the Government
Operations and Armed Services Committees, on which
he served his entire congressional career. The latter proved
beneficial for serving the large military population in his
district. In his final two terms Bustamante also served on the
Select Committee on Hunger.
Bustamante’s position as a moderate Democrat often
defined his congressional career, and he sought to balance
the needs of his Anglo and Hispanic constituents. He
was an active member of the CHC, eventually serving as
chairman in the 100th Congress (1987–1989). Bustamante
firmly believed in the caucus’s power to improve the lives of
Hispanic Americans, especially those in the impoverished
border communities. He brought attention to the colonias,
or rural Hispanic neighborhoods, along the U.S.-Mexico
border, arguing in favor of more funding for food for the
poor and increased economic opportunities. “We … want
to upgrade the economic status of our group because as
you enhance that economic status you bring about jobs
to that community,” Bustamante said. “And hopefully
they can identify with our roots and invest within the
community.”9 Yet he took an unpopular stance within the
Hispanic community by opposing bilingual education
in border schools. “I’m for bringing about a system of
education that will help a child to live in the business
climate we have in this area of the country,” he argued.
“And that is [in] English.”10
Bustamante’s middle-of-the-road approach to combating
communism in Central America ultimately placed him in
the middle of difficult votes during legislative showdowns
between President Ronald W. Reagan and the Democratic
majority in the 99th Congress (1985–1987) over the
provision of humanitarian and military aid to Contra
rebels attempting to overthrow Nicaragua’s leftist Sandinista
regime.11 Caught between the negative effect of Central
American unrest on trade and immigration along the Texas
border and his uneasiness with an increased U.S. military
presence in the region, Bustamante wavered between supporting legislation to provide the Contras solely
with humanitarian assistance and supporting legislation
to provide them both financial and military aid.12 On
April 23, 1985, he joined the Democratic majority, who
rejected the Reagan administration’s proposed $14 million
package, fearing that funding for humanitarian aid would
be redirected for military purposes.13 The following
June, however, Bustamante, along with a handful of
moderate Democrats, bucked Party leaders to support a
$27 million White House-backed aid package including
both humanitarian and nonlethal military support.14
Bustamante cited the desperate need for humanitarian
assistance in the war-torn region—even when tied to
military support—as his primary motive for switching
his vote.15
When the issue of aid for the Nicaraguan Contras
came up again in early 1986, however, Bustamante was
undecided about a Reagan-backed proposal for $100
million, 30 percent of which would be humanitarian aid,
with the remainder earmarked for military assistance. He
was among the 31 moderate Democrats who wrote to the
President asking him to delay seeking military assistance
and focus instead on peace talks. Both the White House
and liberal Democrats pressured the signatories. Of Reagan’s
televised address to the nation on March 16, Bustamante
noted, “If you were on the right, you applauded. If you were
on the left, you tried to shoot holes in it. Those of us in the
middle are looking at both sides and saying ‘My God, what
is going on?’”16 Bustamante was among more than a dozen
Democrats who were summoned to the White House and
courted by the President’s top aides.17 In the face of sharp
partisan bickering Bustamante helped narrowly defeat
the bill, 222 to 210, on March 20, 1986.18 But when the
$100 million package came up again in June, Bustamante
was among six Democrats and five Republicans who
changed their positions, providing a substantial victory
for the Reagan administration when the legislation passed,
221 to 209.19 Bustamante credited his change of mind to
observations he made on a trip to Central America. “There
will be no peace in Central America until internal reform
is forced [on the Nicaraguan government],” he admitted, after meeting with Contra leaders and Nicaraguan President
Daniel Ortega. “I came away convinced that we need to
continue to pressure the Sandinistas.”20
The public revelation of the Iran-Contra scandal in
November 1986 changed Bustamante’s mind once again.
When reports surfaced that arms and funding sent to Iran
to aid in its ongoing war with Iraq had been diverted to
the Nicaraguan Contras without Congress’s knowledge, the
administration came under withering scrutiny from Capitol
Hill and the Justice Department. Citing these revelations,
Bustamante expressed distrust about the allocation of any
future aid, demanding to “know where the money is going.”
“We’ve got too many free agents setting policy in Central
America,” he observed.21 Bustamante also became the target
of attack ads during the 1986 election cycle that painted
moderates who voted against Reagan’s original Contra aid
package as unpatriotic. These “underhanded tactics” further
convinced Bustamante to vote on March 11, 1987, to
withhold the $40 million remaining in the original $100
million aid package.22 Thereafter, Bustamante regularly
opposed military aid for the Nicaraguan Contras.23
Bustamante sided with the Reagan administration on
the issue of immigration. He and four other Hispanic
Members—Esteban Torres and Tony Coelho of California,
Solomon Ortiz of Texas, and Bill Richardson of New
Mexico—out of the 11 voting members of the CHC
approved the administration’s Immigration Reform and
Control Act on October 9, 1986.24 Proposed in response
to rising illegal immigration, the legislation fined
employers for knowingly hiring undocumented
workers, but offered legal status to those who had entered
the United States before 1982 and had lived there
continuously. The legislation was aimed at Hispanic
immigration, which had increased dramatically after
an economic recession in Mexico in the early 1980s.
Bustamante favored regulating immigration to benefit the
economy of the border towns in his district, which were
flooded with workers.25 He also feared that Hispanic-American workers would be discriminated against because
of the fines levied on the employers of undocumented
workers. “The demonstrated tendency of businesses to play it safe while hiring could jeopardize the employment
of as many as 150,000 Hispanic job seekers every week,”
Bustamante told his colleagues. “The consequence … is
the violation of a fundamental right of all Americans,
including Hispanic Americans—the right to work.”26
Bustamante protested the higher-than-expected fee
proposed by the Reagan administration for those applying
for legal status; the fee was $150 to $200 versus the
original figure of $100. In 1990 Bustamante called for
the repeal of all employer sanctions when the General
Accounting Office reported that those seeking employment
who had a “foreign appearance or accent” were often
discriminated against under the 1986 law.27
Bustamante warily supported increased military
spending. Though he favored projects that positively
affected the military bases in his district, he often voiced
concern about their impact on the environment and
about the safety of nuclear production plants.28 Because
Bustamante served on two subcommittees that oversaw
the manufacture of nuclear power and weapons—Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems (Armed
Services Committee) and Environment, Energy, and
Natural Resources (Government Operations)—he had
a platform from which to critique the management and
proliferation of such facilities. In 1988 he noted the ailing
Savannah River weapons plant in South Carolina “has been
living on the edge of a major disaster for 30 years” when
fires, equipment failure, and plutonium leaks inspired an
investigation by the Department of Energy.29 Bustamante
eventually supported closing the Savannah plant and other
plants, castigating the oversight committees for their lack
of action regarding faulty facilities. “The Armed Services
Committee has done very little,” he scolded. “Anytime we
get into a problem … nobody on the committee knows
what is what. We just delegate things to the Department
of Energy,” which he noted was already stretched thin
having to regulate 17 plants across a dozen states.30 In
1987 and 1988, Bustamante supported the Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty amendments put forth by liberal Democrats.
In 1992 Bustamante faced Republican Henry Bonilla, a
local television producer, in an attempt to win a fifth term. Though he raised significantly more money than Bonilla
did in the first half of the year, Bustamante’s electoral
chances were later dimmed by scandal.31 In December
1990, he admitted that the Federal Bureau of Investigation
(FBI) had been questioning his friends and family as part
of a three-year probe into his receipt of monetary bribes
in exchange for federal contracts. Bustamante denied the
charges, but Bonilla highlighted the ongoing investigation
throughout the campaign.32 He also underscored
Bustamante’s 30 overdrafts from the House “Bank,” an
informal institution run by the Sergeant at Arms in which
some Members deposited their congressional pay. Though
Bustamante’s overdrafts were modest compared to those
of the worst offenders in the House “Bank” scandal, he
was one of a handful of Members with overdrafts who did
not receive a letter from the U.S. Attorney special counsel
clearing him of criminal wrongdoing before the election.33
Redistricting further hampered Bustamante’s re-election
bid; Hispanic neighborhoods in the southwest sections of
San Antonio were sliced out of his district, increasing the
leverage of heavily Republican and Anglo neighborhoods
northwest of the city.34 Additionally, Bonilla’s media work,
linked with a popular television news program, gave him
greater name and face recognition than Bustamante.
Campaigning on reducing government regulations and
taxes, Bonilla defeated Bustamante by a margin of 59 to
39 percent. In a year of incumbent losses nationwide,
Bustamante was the only Latino incumbent who was not reelected.
He blamed his loss on the negative press generated
by the scandals. “I could not sustain the tremendous amount
of publicity that went against me,” he said.35
Shortly after Bustamante left Congress, the FBI
investigation resulted in an indictment on 10 counts
of accepting bribes amounting to more than $300,000
in exchange for his official activities. On July 21, 1993,
Bustamante was convicted on two of these 10 charges. A
federal judge in San Antonio sentenced him to three and
a half years in prison and ordered him to pay $55,100 in
fines and legal fees.36 After a series of unsuccessful appeals,
Bustamante began serving out his prison term in El Paso,
Texas, in May 1995. Upon his release from prison in 1998, Bustamante returned to San Antonio, where he managed a
shopping center and worked on projects related to affordable
housing and education.37 Albert Bustamante died on November 30, 2021.38
View Record in the Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress
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