Hispanic Interests and Political Representation After World War II (1945–1970)
About this object A rocket-shaped campaign button touted Edward Roybal of California in the 1960s. Roybal, like other Hispanic politicians of the era, got his start in local politics after World War II and emerged on the national scene in the 1960s.
The Civil Rights Movement and Its Influence on Mexican Americans
1960 Presidential Election and Mexican-American Politics
The political mobilization of Mexican-American voters during the election had far-reaching consequences. The “Viva Kennedy” clubs enabled activists to muster large numbers of potential voters through registration drives and grass-roots initiatives. Both González (in 1961) and Roybal (in 1962) used this energized political base to win election to the U.S. House of Representatives after Kennedy’s victory.
Rise of the Chicano Movement
The Chicano movement challenged “the assumptions, politics, and principles of the established political leaders, organizations, and activity within and outside the [Mexican-American] community.” Newer organizations like the United Farm Workers (led by César Chávez) and the Crusade for Justice worked alongside established organizations like LULAC and MAPA to represent the interests of middle- and working-class Mexican Americans in the 1960s.105
For much of the decade, the Kennedy and Johnson administrations had maintained working relationships with the country’s Hispanic population, but by 1966 these partnerships had begun to fray. During an EEOC meeting in March 1966, representatives from LULAC and the GI Forum criticized the commission for its inattention to Hispanic concerns and its lack of a Hispanic representative or staff member. Fifty representatives walked out in protest. In response, the administration added a Hispanic member and sponsored the creation of the Inter-Agency Cabinet Committee on Mexican-American Affairs, an initiative Senator Montoya endorsed wholeheartedly.106 Montoya, who also guided the Bilingual Education Act toward final passage in 1968, often used his influence to support the Chicano movement while shepherding legislation that benefited Hispanic Americans nationwide.
Hispanic-American Members of Congress reacted to social movements outside the institution in various ways. In a 1967 Senate Floor speech, Montoya spoke about Hispanic Americans’ living conditions and about their desire to attain equality without sacrificing their ethnic identity. “Most Spanish-Americans are near or at the bottom of the economic heap … [and] usually lag even behind Negroes in years of schooling attained, with some 30 percent of the Spanish-surnamed male adults being categorized as functional illiterates,” he said. Citing contributing factors such as a “lack of job skills, inadequate schooling, and language problems,” Montoya described the effects of social discrimination on Mexican Americans in the Southwest and cited their attempts to bridge the cultural gap by learning English and following some Anglo-American customs. Hispanic Americans “clearly want equal opportunity and full acceptance now, not in the distant and hypothetical future, and they do not believe that their difference—either presumed or real—from Anglo-Americans offers any justification for denial of opportunity and acceptance” within U.S. society.107
Much of the problem was generational.112 In the same way González recoiled at La Raza Unida’s youthful idealism, Chicano activists scorned him as a patron from an earlier era who was more concerned with his status in the Mexican- American community than with advancing Chicano issues. Harsher critics believed he cared more about Anglo interests than about those of his Latino constituency. “Gonzalez is criticized by many Mexican-American militants for being a Tío Thomas, or Uncle Tom,” noted the Dallas Morning News in 1969.113
Footnotes
97Gómez-Quiñones, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940–1990: 45–48.
98Ibid., 75–77. Hispanic Texans’ participation varied according to the election procedures in their locality.
99Gonzales, Mexicanos: A History of Mexicans in the United States: 181–190; Marquez, LULAC: The Evolution of a Mexican American Political Organization: 53–55. Gonzales identifies two cases: Mendez et al. v. Westminster School District of Orange County (1947) and Delgado v. Bastrop Independent School District (1948), which dismantled de jure school segregation in California and Texas, respectively. LULAC was involved in both class action lawsuits.
100Gómez-Quiñones, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940–1990: 66–67; Gonzales, Mexicanos: A History of Mexicans in the United States: 189–190.
101Gómez-Quiñones, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940–1990: 88–89.
102Ibid., 88–92; Louis F. Weschler and John F. Gallagher, “Viva Kennedy,” in Rocco J. Tresolini and Richard T. Frost, eds., Cases in American National Government and Politics (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966): 53–59; Eugene C. Lee and William Buchanan, “The 1960 Election in California,” Western Political Quarterly 14, no. 1, part 2 (March 1961): 309–326.
103Gómez-Quiñones, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940–1990: 92.
104Gonzales, Mexicanos: A History of Mexicans in the United States, 194–195; Gomez-Quinones, Chicano Politics, Reality and Promise, 1940–1990: 104–105. For a summary of the Chicano movement, see Jorge Mariscal, “Chicano/a Movement,” in Oboler and González, eds., Oxford Encyclopedia of Latinos and Latinas in the United States, vol. 1: 320–321.
105Gómez-Quiñones, Chicano Politics, Reality and Promise, 1940–1990: 101–105. See also pp. 92–97.
106Ibid., 93–96, 108.
107Congressional Record, Senate, 90th Cong., 1st sess. (18 May 1967): 13242–13243.
108Congressional Record, House, 91st Cong., 1st sess. (3 April 1969): 8590–8591.
109For more on MAYO, see Gómez-Quiñones, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940– 1990: 110–112, 128–131; Armando Navarro, “Mexican American Youth Organization,” in Oboler and González, eds., Oxford Encyclopedia, vol. 3: 122–123; Congressional Record, House, 91st Cong., 1st sess. (29 April 1969): 10779. For a longer discussion, see Congressional Record, House, 91st Cong., 1st sess. (28 April 1969): 10522–10527.
110See, for example, Congressional Record, House, 91st Cong., 1st sess. (16 April 1969): 9308–9309.
111Congressional Record, House, 91st Cong., 1st sess. (22 April 1969): 9952.
112Ralph Nader Congress Project, Citizens Look at Congress: Henry B. Gonzalez: Democratic Representative from Texas (Washington, D.C.: Grossman Publishers, 1972): 17.
113“Rep. Gonzalez Strikes Back at ‘Uncle Tom’ Criticism,” 29 May 1969, Dallas Morning News.