Serbia and Montenegro
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
February 25, 2004
Serbia and Montenegro (SaM) is a constitutional republic
consisting of the relatively large Republic of Serbia and
the much smaller Republic of Montenegro.* In March 2002,
the two republics, with European Union (EU) mediation,
negotiated the Belgrade Agreement, in which they agreed
to redefine the joint state. On February 4, the Yugoslav
Parliament adopted the Constitutional Charter and Implementation
Law, marking the end of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(FRY) and the beginning of the state union of Serbia and
Montenegro. In the new state, almost all authority devolved
to the two republics. The state union Government has responsibilities
essentially limited to the Foreign Ministry, the military
(VSCG, formerly the VJ), human and minority rights, and
foreign economic and commercial relations. The SaM judiciary
was constituted by year's end.
The military reports through the Defense Minister to the
Supreme Defense Council (VSO), whose voting members are the
Presidents of SaM, Serbia, and Montenegro. The military was
largely depoliticized, and underwent sweeping reform after
the Djindjic assassination. The VSO dismissed 26 of the approximately
65 flag officers and subordinated the General Staff to the
civilian Defense Minister. (Previously, the Defense Ministry
had acted only as an administrative appendage of the General
Staff.) The Defense Minister replaced the heads of the two
military intelligence services, refocused the Military Security
Service (VSB) on its formal mission of crime fighting and
counterintelligence and away from politics, and subordinated
the VSB service to his office. (Previously, the VSB had reported
informally to only the most senior political leaders.) Following
the Djindjic assassination, the Government disbanded the
Red Berets (Special Operations Unit or JSO); this paramilitary
unit of the old secret police, the State Security Service
(RDB), was implicated in the assassination.
The economy was in transition from a system based on social
ownership to a market-based environment with a mix of industry,
agriculture, and services. The population in the Republic
of Serbia was 7.5 million, excluding Kosovo. Real SaM gross
domestic product (GDP) grew by 4 percent in 2002; the International
Monetary Fund projected 3 percent GDP growth during the year.
Income distribution and economic opportunity were uneven.
Poverty and unemployment were highest in southern Serbia
and among the refugees from the wars in Croatia and Bosnia
and internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Kosovo.
Serbia has a parliamentary system of government run by Prime
Minister Zoran Zivkovic, who assumed the position in March
following the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic.
Parliamentary elections held on December 28 were deemed generally
free and fair by the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE); the new, multiparty parliament had not
met by year's end. The Serbian Constitution provides for
an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary was often
subject to political influence and corruption, and was inefficient.
While civilian authorities generally maintained effective
control of security forces, there were some instances in
which elements of the security forces acted independently
of government authority. The Ministry of Interior (MUP) controls
the Serbian police, who are responsible for internal security.
The Security Intelligence Agency (BIA) is under the control
of the Government as a whole, effectively giving control
to the Prime Minister. Some members of security forces committed
human rights abuses.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its
citizens; however, there were problems in some areas, which
were aggravated by the March assassination of Prime Minister
Djindjic and subsequent 42-day State of Emergency. Police
at times beat detainees and harassed citizens. Police produced
results in investigations of high-level killings committed
during and after the Milosevic era. There were incidents
of arbitrary arrest and detention. The judiciary continued
to be susceptible to political influence. Poor cooperation
between the judiciary and other government branches slowed
the implementation of legislative reforms. Courts remained
administratively paralyzed, and lengthy trials persisted.
Legislation creating a special domestic war crimes court
was passed and a special prosecutor was appointed. Media
independence was a problem; private libel suits, including
from individuals active in politics, and indirect political
manipulation contributed to self-censorship among journalists.
The SaM Parliament amended its Law on International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) Cooperation, which
resulted in four voluntary surrenders of indictees and the
arrest and transfer of another five indictees to The Hague.
The Government transferred many documents to the ICTY and
gave waivers for witnesses to testify; however, the ICTY
remained dissatisfied with overall SaM cooperation, in particular
because it believed that key indictee General Ratko Mladic
was at large in Serbia.
There were several incidents of societal violence and discrimination
against religious minorities. Violence and discrimination
against women, Roma and other ethnic minorities were problems.
Trafficking in women and children remained a problem which
the Government took steps to address by adding trafficking
in persons to the criminal code.
Considerable evidence indicated that on March 12 a group
of nationalist paramilitaries and organized criminals assassinated
Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic as the first step in
a failed attempt to topple the Government. In accordance
with the Constitution and laws, Djindjic's successors quickly
declared a State of Emergency and launched a sweeping attack
against the paramilitary unit and the organized crime gangs
that allegedly killed the Prime Minister. The Government's
imposition of a State of Emergency, which lasted 6 weeks,
had broad support among the population and some international
organizations, including the OSCE. On December 22, the trial
of most of the conspirators responsible for the assassination,
including the actual triggerman, began in the Belgrade Special
Court for Fighting Organized Crime.
Over 10,000 individuals were detained during the State of
Emergency. When it was lifted on April 22, approximately
4,500 remained in custody; at year's end, approximately 2,000
remained in custody. After the lifting of the State of Emergency,
there were numerous allegations of police brutality and mistreatment,
including the use of torture to extract confessions. The
Government, which held most detainees in incommunicado detention
without access to a lawyer or without being brought before
a judge, has denied these allegations. The Government also
increased restrictions on the media, the right to privacy,
and the right of association during this period.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom from:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no reports of political killings committed by
the Government or its agents; however, security forces killed
nine individuals.
On March 7, police shot and killed two members of the so-called
Albanian National Army (AKSh) during a failed attempt to
place a bomb near the Kosovo Administrative Boundary Line.
Authorities ruled that these shootings were justified because
the suspects resisted arrest with arms.
On March 12, members of the Red Beretsacting--an autonomous
state security police unit from the era of former FRY President
Slobodan Milosevic--assassinated Prime Minister Djindjic,
in collusion with the Zemun organized crime clan. The trial
of the 44 people indicted in the assassination began on December
22.
On March 27, authorities
killed Dusan "Siptar" Spasojevic
and Milan Lukovic--both implicated in the Djindjic assassination--
during a shootout with police while the pair was resisting
arrest. However, there were allegations that police executed
the two after they were already in custody.
On September 30, a Kosovo veteran of the BIA in Nis allegedly
shot to death four colleagues, wounding three others. He
was arrested and awaiting trial at year's end.
There were some
developments in police investigations of political killings
from previous years. On September 16,
the Belgrade Special Court for Fighting Organized Crime began
the trial of two former police officers and five others (including
two who remained at large) for the 2002 killing of former
Belgrade police chief Bosko Buha. The December 17 testimony
by a former Belgrade police inspector raised credible allegations
that police framed those on trial for the Buha murder to
cover for other crime figures who had connections to the
Government at the time of the murder, including Milorad "Legija" Lukovic,
accused of organizing the Djindjic assassination.
On March 28, the
Government located the body of former Serbian President
Ivan Stambolic, who disappeared in 2000. The Special
Prosecutor for Organized Crime filed charges in September
with the new Belgrade Special Court for Fighting Organized
Crime in this case and in the 2000 attempted murder of Serbian
Renewal Movement leader Vuk Draskovic (see Section 1.e.).
Indictees include Milorad "Legija" Lukovic, Slobodan
Milosevic, former RDB chief Radomir Markovic, former VJ Chief
of Staff Nebojsa Pavkovic, and former Deputy RDB Chief Milorad
Bracanovic.
On January 30, former RDB chief Radomir Markovic was sentenced
to 7 years' imprisonment for the 1999 attempted murder of
Vuk Draskovic, which resulted in the deaths of four persons.
However, on September 30, after evidence emerged that additional
people were involved in the attack, the Supreme Court set
aside the District Court verdict, allowing for a re-trial
that would include the additional defendants.
Domestic courts and the ICTY continued to adjudicate cases
arising from crimes committed during the 1991-99 conflicts
in Kosovo, Croatia and Bosnia, including the ICTY prosecution
of former FRY and Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic (see
Sections 1.e. and 4).
There were no deaths from landmine incidents during the year.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
During the year, SaM and Serbian Government authorities
continued cooperation with neighboring countries and international
organizations seeking to identify missing persons and investigating
graves discovered in Serbia.
There were no exhumations during the year because the SaM
Commission on Missing Persons, which replaced the FRY commission,
was not established until November; however, Government authorities
continued to make progress in identifying exhumed bodies.
In 2002, the Serbian Government exhumed the last of the bodies
from mass graves found in 2001; the graves contained bodies
presumed to be those of ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo
and transferred to Serbia in 1999. Following identification
of remains, Serbian authorities repatriated approximately
186 bodies to Kosovo during the year. The Serbian Government,
in cooperation with international organizations and the International
Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP), had not completed identification
and repatriation of the remains by year's end.
Searching began for bodies thought to be located at the
bottom of Lake Perucac in eastern Serbia. Another search
revealed that there were no bodies under a highway near Vranje,
a suspected gravesite.
c. Torture, and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment
SaM and Serbian laws prohibit such practices; however, police
at times abused citizens and detainees, particularly during
the State of Emergency from March 12 to April 22.
Some people detained
during the State of Emergency later claimed that they were
beaten and tortured by police during
their detention in an attempt to coerce statements. Reported
forms of torture included: Asphyxiation with a plastic bag,
electric shock, and mock executions. The London-based Institute
for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) alleged that on March
13 police arrested restaurant owner Milan Vukovic and took
him to the "29 November" police station in Belgrade.
Vukovic later testified that twice during his 1-month detention
masked policemen placed a plastic bag over his head, puncturing
the bag only after it was obvious that he was suffocating.
According to Vukovic, the police demanded that he admit he
was a drug dealer, racketeer and gun runner, and that he
had traded illegally in oil, cigarettes, and foreign currency.
Vukovic was later released without charges.
Sandra Petrovic informed Amnesty International that her
husband, Goran Petrovic, and brother, Igor Gajic, were arrested
in Krusevac on March 14 and kept in incommunicado detention
until May 13. During this period, police allegedly tortured
them to extract confessions of extortion. Mrs. Petrovic reported
that after 15 days in detention in Krusevac, Goran Petrovic
was transferred to Cuprija Prison, from where police took
him to a nearby forest, taped a bag over his head and beat
him so severely that he still had difficulty walking when
she saw him on May 13. Also according to Mrs. Petrovic, police
tortured Igor Gajic with electric shocks after dousing him
with water, as well as taking him to a forest, taping a bag
over his head, and beating him. Police have claimed that
they have not verified cases of abuse, which were alleged
to have occurred during the State of Emergency. At year's
end, prosecutors had not yet acted on lawsuits filed by NGOs
on behalf of individuals who claimed they were tortured as
detainees during the State of Emergency.
Because detentions
during the State of Emergency were generally incommunicado,
human rights monitors witnessed little direct
evidence of torture. The primary exception to the incommunicado
nature of the detentions was the April 14-15 visit by the
OSCE and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights (OHCHR) to detainees at the three major detention
sites (Belgrade Central Police Station at 29 November Street
and Belgrade Central and Military Prisons). The OSCE/OHCHR
reported that during the visit to two prisons holding detainees,
all those interviewed gave consistent statements of having
been treated fairly by prison staff. However, the report
also noted that, "the Delegation heard allegations or
saw indications of torture or ill-treatment during arrest
during the visit concerning two detainees."
Beatings and other physical abuse by police most often occurred
during the arrest or initial detention period, and low-level
criminals were most often the victims of such abuse. There
were a few reports that police used beatings and threats
to deter detainees from filing claims of abuse on prior occasions.
In August, a man reported to the Humanitarian Law Center
(HLC) that police beat him every day during a 30-day detention
to pressure him to withdraw a previous claim of police brutality.
Police also reportedly used beatings to coerce confessions.
The HLC filed a criminal complaint against unidentified officers
of the Cacak Police Department claiming that on May 21, in
an attempt to coerce a confession of robbery, the officers
threatened Zeljko Popovic, slapped him, and struck him in
the mouth, causing him to lose three teeth.
As in 2002, there were few reported instances of police
harassment of ethnic Albanians in southern Serbia. The improvement
can be credited largely to the deployment of the 400-member
Multi-Ethnic Police Force throughout the area (see Section
1.d.).
In August 2002, police in Vranje severely beat Nenad Tasic,
who sustained broken ribs, a punctured lung, and severe brain
damage. The HLC filed a civil suit seeking compensation;
the case was heard, but the judgment had not been announced
at year's end. A separate criminal suit was ongoing at year's
end.
During the year, the Leskovac-based Human Rights Committee
reported that there were more than 100 cases of alleged police
abuse in Leskovac. In March 2002, Leskovac police reportedly
clubbed a handcuffed Roma man, Nebojsa Majlic, causing him
to lose consciousness; afterwards, the police filed criminal
charges against Majlic for interfering with police performance
of duty. At year's end, the trial of Majlic had not begun.
Prison conditions generally met international standards;
however, conditions varied greatly from one facility to another.
The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (HCS) noted
that some prisons offered clean, secure environments for
inmates; however, in others--most notably the Belgrade Reformatory
Hospital housing psychiatric prisoners--inmates were forced
to live in filthy, inhumane conditions. The quality of food
varied from poor to minimally acceptable, and health care
was often inadequate. Basic educational and vocational training
programs were in place at most prisons; however, they were
limited by lack of resources. The level of training for guards
was inadequate.
Men and women were held separately. Juveniles were supposed
to be held separately from adults; however, in practice,
this did not always happen. Pretrial detainees were held
separately from convicted prisoners. Some inmates complained
that they were subjected to intimidation and occasional assaults
by other inmates. Inmates could report such problems to prison
staff or to district court; authorities generally responded
by placing inmates in separate cells and at times taking
disciplinary measures such as placing offenders in solitary
confinement. There were some deaths in prison due to murders
between inmates, natural causes, and at least one suicide.
The Government permitted the International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC) and local independent human rights monitors,
including HCS, to visit prisons throughout the country and
to speak with prisoners without the presence of a warden.
The Government suspended prison visits by local human rights
monitors during the State of Emergency; however, the OSCE
and OHCHR visited two detention centers in Belgrade during
that period.
There were reports that witnesses and potential witnesses
cooperating with the ICTY experienced threats or intimidation
in Serbia (see Section 4).
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
The Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention,
and the Government generally observed these prohibitions,
except during the State of Emergency.
The approximately 23,000 police officers are part of the
Sector for Public Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs
(MUP). The Sector is divided into seven directorates: Uniformed
Police (including traffic and patrol officers), Criminal
Investigations, Organized Crime, Analysis, Special Operations
Units (including gendarmes and the Special Anti-Terrorist
Unit, or SAJ), Human Resources and Training, and Border Police.
The police are divided regionally into 33 secretariats. All
municipal and rural units are branches of the Republic police.
Effectiveness of the police is uneven and generally limited
because of poor training, poor forensics, and the low education
level of many officers. Although the MUP leadership changed
after the October 2000 revolution, many police personnel,
including some high-level officials, are holdovers from the
Milosevic regime. While most police officers were Serbs,
the force included Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims), ethnic Albanians,
and other ethnic minorities. The Multi-Ethnic Police Force
in southern Serbia was composed primarily of ethnic Albanians
and Serbs.
There were only
limited institutional means of overseeing and controlling
police behavior. In September, an Inspector
General with enforcement authority was installed in the MUP;
however, at year's end, he still had little ability to conduct
investigations. In April, the SaM Minister for Human and
Minority Rights established an "SOS" hotline, which
sought action on police abuse and other cases. The hotline
had received more than 2,000 calls by year's end. The Serbian
Government offered no other forms of assistance for citizens
with complaints about police behavior; however, citizens
could seek redress through the courts.
According to MUP figures, from January through June the MUP
initiated 762 disciplinary proceedings, resulting in 17
arrests of policemen, 271 criminal complaints filed against
158 officers, and 123 suspensions. Included in these figures
were four cases of illegal use of force, three in Sremska
Mitrovica and one in Uzice. The three officers in Sremska
Mitrovica were suspended during the ongoing disciplinary
proceedings. Punishment for police officers rarely exceeded
6 months' imprisonment, a sentence that often allowed police
officers found guilty of abusing human rights to rejoin
the force. During the year, the MUP instituted an ethics
code for police, but no sanctions were prescribed for violations.
Courts occasionally ordered the Government to pay compensation
for police abuses. In March, Belgrade's First Municipal Court
ordered the Republic of Serbia to pay approximately $1,780
(100,000 dinars) to Bojan Aleksov as compensation for his
unlawful detention and torture in 2000.
Community policing was instituted during the year. The OSCE's
Mission to SaM trained Serbian police cadets in modern police
tactics at an international police training center in Mitrovo
Polje.
The Criminal Procedure Code provides for strong regulations
designed to protect the rights of detained and accused persons,
including prohibitions against excessive delays by authorities
in filing formal charges against suspects and in opening
investigations; however, such delays continued regularly
(see Section 1.e.).
The law restricts the time from indictment to the conclusion
of first instance trial to 2 years; appeals to second instance
courts must be completed within 1 additional year. A person
wrongfully detained could demand rehabilitation and compensation
from the Government. Bail was allowed but rarely used; detainees
facing charges that carried possible sentences of less than
5 years could be released on their own recognizance. Due
to the inefficiency of the courts, cases often took an excessively
long time to come to trial; and, once started, trials often
an excessively long time to conclude.
The police were authorized to make an arrest without a judge-authorized
warrant in certain circumstances, including well-founded
grounds of suspicion that the person committed a capital
crime. An investigating judge must approve any detention
of more than 48 hours, and arrested persons must be informed
immediately of their rights, including the right to confidential
conferences with a lawyer. Family members were normally able
to visit detainees. No suspect could be detained for more
than 3 months without a decision of an investigating judge,
and no one could be detained for more than a total of 6 months.
The law prohibits the use of force, threats, deception, and
coercion, as well as use in court of evidence acquired by
such means. During the State of Emergency, many false or
unrealized promises of granting witness collaborator status--which
would include the dropping of some charges--were made to
encourage statements by detainees. Suspects' statements are
valid in court only if they are made in the presence of counsel;
an investigating judge or prosecutor must also be present.
During the State of Emergency, appointed attorneys unfamiliar
to detainees sometimes appeared solely for the taking of
statements.
Among the special
measures the Government included with the declaration of
a State of Emergency was the suspension
of the right to an attorney and permission for police to
detain, for up to 30 days, any person "who is jeopardizing
the safety of other citizens or the safety of the Republic." On
April 11, as 30-day detentions made early in the State of
Emergency were about to expire, the Parliament passed new
measures permitting detentions on MUP authority of up to
90 days; however, the Constitutional Court declared the law
unconstitutional on June 5 and on July 1 it was repealed
by the Parliament. In practice, the 10,000 State of Emergency
detainees were largely held incommunicado, without access
to attorneys or family. Additionally, many of the detainees
during the State of Emergency were never brought before a
judge; however, those who later remained in jail were taken
before a judge.
There were several
reports of police detaining journalists for "informative talks" (see
Section 2.a.).
The Constitution prohibits forced exile, and the Government
did not employ it.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary;
however, the courts remained susceptible to corruption and
political influence, although to a far lesser degree than
under the former Milosevic regime.
The court system is made up of municipal and district courts,
a supreme court, a constitutional court, and special courts
for war crimes and organized crime. The Constitutional Court
rules on the constitutionality of laws and regulations and
relies on the authorities to enforce its rulings. The Law
on Courts mandates the establishment of an administrative
appeals court and a second instance appeals court to lighten
the burden of the Supreme Court; however, these courts had
not been established by year's end.
The courts were highly inefficient--cases could take years
to resolve--and there were no official channels for alternative
dispute resolution. However, the Government and judiciary
made some progress in implementing the extensive organizational
reforms mandated in the 2001 laws on courts, judges, and
public prosecutors.
A Lustration Law, passed in June, prohibits anyone who has
committed human rights violations since 1976 from holding
public office for the next 2 to 5 years, depending on the
gravity of the offense; however, the law had not been implemented
by year's end.
In accordance with the Law on Courts, two new judicial bodies
began functioning during the year: The High Judicial Council,
which is staffed by Supreme Court justices and appoints judges,
and the High Personnel Council, which disciplines and dismisses
judges. The High Personnel Council, with approval of the
Parliament, dismissed or forcibly retired 35 judges, mostly
after the Djindjic assassination; however, there were no
trials of former court presidents or judges who committed
abuses during the Milosevic regime.
The Supreme Court President, under pressure from the Government,
resigned in April; however, a majority of judges on the Supreme
Court remained Milosevic appointees, and the Constitutional
Court remained staffed by some judges appointed during the
Milosevic regime. The Law on Judges mandates that judges
have lifetime tenure with mandatory retirement at age 65.
The Judges' Training Center organized educational programs
offered throughout the country. International organizations
and local NGOs, including the HLC and the Belgrade Center
for Human Rights (BCHR), also conducted training for judges
during the year.
The law provides that defendants are presumed innocent and
have the right to have an attorney represent them at public
expense, if needed, and to be present at their trials. The
courts also must provide interpreters, if required. Both
the defense and the prosecution have the right to appeal
a verdict. Defendants have a right to access government-held
evidence and question witnesses; these rights were generally
respected in practice.
In 2002, the Republic Prosecutor (Attorney General) submitted
all public prosecutors, deputy prosecutors, and staff to
review for general competency and previous conduct, including
during the Milosevic era. As a result, approximately one-third
of Public Prosecution personnel were dismissed or forced
into retirement by the end of 2002. In April, the Republic
Prosecutor himself was forced to resign, and six district
prosecutors (including the Belgrade District Prosecutor)
and a large number of lower-level prosecutors were dismissed
or forced to resign during the year. Deputy Public Prosecutor
Milan Sarajlic, who faced charges that he was paid by the
Zemun organized crime clan, was released from jail due to
poor health; at year's end, his trial had not yet been scheduled.
The SaM military court system, inherited from the Tito era,
presents little transparency in its operations. In accordance
with the Constitutional Charter, this system was phasing
out operations, and military courts had no ongoing investigations
or trials at year's end. The military court system retained
one espionage case, which had been investigated but not yet
taken to trial at year's end. Special departments in the
Belgrade and Podgorica (Montenegro) District Courts, which
would take on all new cases, had not been constituted at
year's end. On October 20, the Supreme Military Court sentenced
battalion commander Dragisa Petrovic to 9 years in prison
and army reservists Nenad Stamenkovic and Tomica Jovic to
7 years each for the murder of an elderly Kosovo Albanian
couple, Feriz and Rukija Drasnici, in 1999. The Court nearly
doubled the sentences previously handed down by the Nis Military
Court in 2002, following the revision of the indictments
from murder charges to charges of war crimes against civilians.
In addition to the nearly defunct military court system,
the only other SaM court, the Court of the State Union of
Serbia and Montenegro, had not been constituted at year's
end. This court is expected to rule on disputes between the
constituent republics or between the union and the republics,
as well as on conformity of SaM or republic laws with the
Constitutional Charter; it is also expected to respond to
petitions of citizens whose rights or freedoms were violated
by the Constitutional Charter.
There were no developments in the case of 24 Bosniaks whose
1993 political convictions of crimes against the state were
returned for review by the Supreme Court in 1996.
Domestic war crimes
indictments and trials began in the regular courts in 2002.
On January 20, the trial began of
one former member of the Bosnian Serb "Avengers" paramilitary
and three members of the Bosnian Serb Army for abducting,
torturing, and killing 16 Muslims from the Serbian town of
Sjeverin in 1992. On September 29, the court sentenced Djordje
Sevic to 15 years in prison, and Dragutin Dragicevic, Oliver
Krsmanovic and ICTY indictee Milan Lukic--the last two remain
at large--to 20-year prison sentences; this was the maximum
term of imprisonment possible at the time.
In October 2002, Aleksandar "Sasa" Cvjetan went
on trial in Prokuplje District Court for killing 19 ethnic
Albanians in Podujevo, Kosovo, in March 1999. The Prokuplje
Court also tried in absentia SAJ squad member Dejan Demirovic
for cooperating with Cvjetan in the massacre. The Government
had requested extradition of Demirovic from Canada, which
had him in custody. In November 2002, citing concerns about
security, fairness of proceedings, and access to ethnic Albanian
witnesses, the Supreme Court transferred the trial from Prokuplje
to Belgrade District Court, where proceedings resumed early
in the year and were ongoing at year's end.
The Law on Suppression of Organized Crime created a semi-independent
special prosecutor, a special police investigative unit,
specialized court chambers, and a dedicated detention unit.
Some human rights activists have expressed concern that the
special police force's expanded powers to investigate and
detain suspects could lead to abuse. The court's inaugural
trial was held on September 16, when the Special Prosecutor
for Organized Crime began presenting the case against the
suspected killers of senior police officer Bosko Buha (see
Section 1.a.). The trial was ongoing at year's end.
In July, the Parliament passed a law on domestic war crimes
prosecutions, which established a special court for this
purpose; however, the court had not begun functioning by
year's end. It was scheduled to begin trials in March 2004.
On July 22, Parliament appointed Vladimir Vukcevic as the
special prosecutor for war crimes. The special court will
be a branch of the Belgrade District Court; however, for
security reasons it will use the facilities of the Belgrade
Special Court for Fighting Organized Crime.
The ICTY was preparing to turn over to the Government prosecution
of lower-level figures involved in the Vukovar massacre and
has provided evidence in the case to the Justice Minister
and the Special Prosecutor for War Crimes, who also began
gathering evidence in the case.
Defendants can
be tried in absentia. The Belgrade Special Court for Fighting
Organized Crime was trying, in absentia,
Slobodan Milosovic, on trial before the ICTY, and Milorad "Legija" Lukovic,
a fugitive, for the murder of former Serbian President Ivan
Stambolic and the attempted murder of Vuk Draskovic in 2000
(see Section 1.a.). The same court was trying Legija in absentia
for the Djindjic assassination. There were no imprisonments
based on trials in absentia.
Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The Constitution prohibits such actions; however, the Government
at times infringed upon these rights in practice, particularly
during the State of Emergency. The law gives the MUP control
over the decision to monitor potential criminal activities.
The Constitution includes restrictions on searches of persons
and of premises; police must enter premises with a warrant,
except to "save people and property." The Government
generally respected these provisions in practice, with occasional
exceptions. During the State of Emergency, the Government
authorized searches without warrants in cases of suspected
organized crime activity.
Most observers believed that the authorities selectively
monitored communications and eavesdropped on conversations,
read mail and e-mail, and wiretapped telephones. Members
of political factions, presenting no direct evidence, accused
other factions of using secret police and intelligence units
to eavesdrop on them to gain political advantage. There were
no reports during the year that the post office registered
and tracked suspicious mail from abroad, as some believe
occurred in the past; however, during the State of Emergency,
the Government suspended rules on the secrecy of letters
and other forms of communication.
The Government did not fulfill its promise to open to the
public all secret files on persons collected under former
regimes. The few files actually delivered to individuals
who requested them had been cleansed of documents that might
have contained sensitive reporting on the individuals.
During the year, the authorities evicted a number of Roma,
including children, from two squatter settlements (see Section
5).
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, including:
a. Freedom of Speech and the Press
SaM and Serbian law provide for freedom of speech and of
the press; however, political pressure from various factions,
an uncertain regulatory environment, and vulnerability to
libel suits placed constraints on free expression by journalists,
editors, and other media. There were some high-profile instances
of apparent pressure on the media by senior government officials.
The Government imposed substantial media restrictions during
the State of Emergency.
Media independence remained a problem. Some observers believed
that the continued lack of clear guidelines created an atmosphere
unfriendly to free expression. Some media outlets clearly
attempted to curry favor with the Government in hopes of
receiving favorable treatment once new media reform laws
are fully implemented; however, media outlets generally provided
equal access to parties campaigning for the December parliamentary
elections. Some media outlets practiced self-censorship and
were reluctant to report on crimes perpetrated during the
wars in Bosnia, Croatia, and Kosovo. Television coverage
of the Milosevic trial at the ICTY tended to be incomplete
or defensive, with the notable exception of Radio/TV B-92
(RTV B-92), which broadcast the proceedings live.
Selective privatization of media during the Milosevic era
has left the country with a mixture of privately owned and
fully or partially government-owned media outlets. The Government
owned Borba, one of the most important printing houses in
the country, and published the dailies Borba, Sport, and
Vecernje Novosti. The oldest nationwide daily, Politika,
was run by several state-run companies and was influenced
by the Government, although German media giant WAZ became
a co-owner during the year. Print media also included the
independent daily Danas, weeklies Vreme and Nin, high-circulation
tabloids Blic and Glas Javnosti, and other newspapers.
The Government funded a Hungarian language newspaper, and
state-owned media outlet Radio Television of Serbia (RTS)
provided some Hungarian language programming. Tanjug was
a state-owned news agency that many television stations rely
on for their news information.
The 2002 Law on Broadcasting created a regulatory framework
designed to foster free and independent media. This law mandated
formation of an independent Broadcast Council to transform
RTS into a public broadcasting service and to allot radio
and TV frequencies. The Broadcast Council was established
during the year, but the Parliament's violation of provisions
for appointing candidates damaged the Council's legitimacy
and led to the resignation of two members. The Council began
limited functioning during the year.
State-controlled RTS was a major presence in television
and radio. Aside from the three RTS channels, the Government
had considerable influence, although not formal control,
over some other major television stations, including: TV
Politika, TV Novi Sad, and YU INFO (phasing out operations
due to bankruptcy), as well as Radio Belgrade's three stations.
RTS's coverage was generally objective; however, it occasionally
demonstrated some bias in favor of the ruling Democratic
Opposition of Serbia (DOS) coalition. Management personnel
could be politically influenced, since the Government appointed
editors-in-chief.
Two major private TV stations, BK and TV Pink, which received
advantageous treatment, including frequencies, under the
Milosevic regime, had widespread coverage. TV Pink, the most
widely watched station in the country, has shown editorial
bias in favor of the Government since 2000. After the Government
granted RTV B-92 a temporary license to broadcast republic-wide
pending the final allocation of frequencies in 2002, the
media outlet set up new transmitters to make itself a national
channel that could compete with TV Pink and BK. However,
Editor-in-Chief of RTV B-92 Veran Matic reported that Deputy
Prime Minister Cedomir Jovanovic warned him that his media
outlet would never get radio or television frequencies if
it did not change its reporting. Approximately 300 TV stations
and 700 radio stations that operated independently had to
work under temporary licenses or without any legal basis.
During the State of Emergency, the Government prohibited
the publication, broadcast or dissemination of information
about the reasons for declaring the State of Emergency and
implementation of the State of Emergency, except for the
carrying of official statements. Sanctions established for
violating the prohibition were fines of $915 to $9,150 (50,000
to 500,000 dinars) for the offending legal entities and $183
to $1,830 (10,000 to 100,000 dinars) for the responsible
person within an offending entity, as well as possible temporary
prohibition of publication of newspapers or broadcast of
offending radio or television programs. No appeal was permitted.
Television Leskovac was fined $5,490 (300,000 dinars) for
violating the media decree under the State of Emergency.
The Government also temporarily banned and fined a local
television station, RTV Mars $9,150 (500,000 dinars) for
the station, $1,830 (100,000 dinars) for the director. Distribution
in Serbia of the Montenegrin weekly Dan was banned during
the State of Emergency.
Some other sanctions
went beyond those included in media decrees. During the
State of Emergency, the Government permanently
banned two newspapers. One of these was the weekly Identitet,
believed to be financed in part by Milorad "Legija" Lukovic,
the organized crime figure and former Red Beret commander
suspected of organizing the Djindjic assassination. The Government
permanently banned the daily Nacional (which later reopened
as Balkan), arguing that its anti-Djindjic campaign had created
an "atmosphere of lynching" which "facilitated
the assassination." After the State of Emergency, the
Government banned one edition of the weekly Svedok because
it ran excerpts of a Macedonian newspaper interview glorifying "Legija."
In a joint April 24 letter, editors-in-chief of major media
called on the Government to discuss with them sources of
tension, which were exacerbated during the State of Emergency.
The letter cited as issues of concern: Restrictions on
reporting during the State of Emergency, threats by some
government officials against editors, and other forms of
government interference. At a meeting in early May, editors-in-chief
and Government representatives exchanged views on the State
of Emergency; the Government also agreed to repeal a 20
percent tax on printed media.
Radio stations owned or organized by municipalities pressured
local journalists not to report on municipal government problems.
There were several
instances of police calling in journalists for "informative talks." Police
called in Veselin Simonovic, Editor-in-Chief of Blic, and
asked him to identify
a source. Similarly, Blic News Editor-in-Chief Jovica Krtinic
was called in and asked to tell the police who had given
him a police document from an ongoing investigation. As was
the case with Simonovic, when Krtinic declined to comply,
the police took no further action.
There were no reports of extremist groups targeting journalists
during the year. According to Belgrade's Association of Independent
Electronic Media (ANEM), police did not attempt to find the
source of the threats against Blic News editor Zeljko Cvijanovic
in 2002.
Libel remained
a criminal offense. Although no suits were filed directly
by the Government, the low threshold defining
libel enabled individual government officials, as well as
former members of the Milosevic regime, to win private cases
against media outlets that criticized them. Libel can result
in jail terms, and courts have the power to issue "conditional
sentences" that silence offending journalists with the
threat that any further offense will lead to immediate imprisonment.
However, there were no reports of "conditional sentences" being
issued to journalists.
In November, Internal Affairs Minister Dusan Mihajlovic
filed defamation charges against Mladjan Dinkic of the G-17
Plus political party, which alleged that Mihajlovic had secured
a lucrative government contract with his ministry for one
of his companies; Mihajlovic filed similar charges against
Verica Barac, head of the Government's Anti-Corruption Council,
and editors-in-chief of TV B-92 and dailies Glas Javnosti
and Kurir, for discussing or covering the allegation. At
year's end, the prosecutor had taken no action on the lawsuits.
During the State
of Emergency, Government communications director Vladimir "Beba" Popovic
filed libel suits seeking approximately $18,300 to $54,900
(1 to 3 million
dinars) for emotional harm against five media outlets which
had questioned his status as the Government's communications
director--daily newspapers Vecernje Novosti and Blic News,
weekly news magazines Nin and Vreme, and television station
B-92. Vecernje Novosti paid a judgement of $18,300 (1 million
dinars). Blic News paid a judgment of $915 (50,000 dinars)
and court costs of $92 (5000 dinars). The other cases remained
ongoing at year's end.
In 2002, businessman Dragan Tomic began libel proceedings
against RTS reporter Dragana Vasiljevic for the offense of
reading on the air Tomic's official bank statements; Tomic
later withdrew the charges. In 2002, Democratic Party member
Radisav Ljubisavljevic initiated libel proceedings against
B-92 for broadcasting public statements made by various political
parties about him; at year's end, he was discussing with
B-92 possibly withdrawing the charges.
According to the HLC and the BCHR, journalists practiced
self-censorship because of possible libel suits and fear
of offending public opinion, particularly on subjects relating
to wars in the former Yugoslavia.
On April 22, Parliament adopted the Public Information Law,
which covers both rights and responsibilities of the media.
Topics in the Law include: Freedom of the media, a ban on
censorship, a ban on media monopolies, a due diligence requirement
in reporting, a reduced right to privacy for public officials,
and the rights of persons referred to in disseminated information.
Immediately before adoption, the Parliament added articles
authorizing the banning of dissemination of information if
necessary to prevent: Calls for violent overthrow of the
constitutional order; undermining of the territorial integrity
of the Republic; war propaganda; or incitement to violence,
hatred or discrimination.
The Government did not restrict publishing or import of
published materials. Jehovah's Witnesses reported that they
no longer experienced problems importing their religious
literature.
The Government did not restrict access to the Internet;
however, there were reports that Government selectively monitored
e-mail correspondence (see Section 1.f.).
The Government did not restrict academic freedom. The 2002
Law on Universities, designed to protect universities from
political interference, restricted police entry onto university
campuses and restored the Education Council (Prosvetni Savet)
abolished by Milosevic in 1998. The Republic-level Council
was under the control of the Parliament, set general university
policy, made some administrative decisions, and determined
general curricular goals. In accordance with the Law on Universities,
the Scientific-Educational Council (Naucno-Nastavno Vece)
selected university rectors and faculty deans without interference
from the Ministry of Education. The Law also provides for
participation of student organizations in determining certain
aspects of university policy; at year's end, these organizations
were still defining their policy role.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly, and the
Government generally respected this right in practice, except
during the State of Emergency. During the State of Emergency,
the Government prohibited the calling and holding of public
gatherings. Also prohibited were political, union, and other
actions intended to disrupt and prevent the realization of
measures taken during the State of Emergency.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and
the Government generally respected this right in practice;
however, on June 9, Belgrade police, acting on a municipal
court order, closed the campaign office of a citizen's organization
that was conducting a petition drive in favor of property
restitution legislation. Two of the organization's leaders,
who refused to leave the premises, were arrested and later
released without charge. The citizen's organization had been
a vocal opponent of the Belgrade Municipality's practice
of auctioning property that was subject to potential claims
by the original owners and their heirs.
The Government required private organizations to register;
however, no problems with registration were reported during
the year.
c. Freedom of Religion
The SaM and Serbian constitutions and laws provide for freedom
of religion, and the state union and republican Governments
generally respected this right in practice. There is no state
religion in SaM; however, the Serbian Orthodox Church received
some preferential treatment.
The status of respect for religious freedom in the SaM and
Serbian Governments improved during the year, and the Federal
Secretariat for Religious Affairs was disbanded. In addition
to including freedom of conscience and religious practice
in its founding documents, in March the SaM Government set
up an office dedicated to religious affairs within the Ministry
for Human and Minority Rights. The office focused on outreach
to minority religious communities, and representatives of
these communities reported good relations with this office.
While there is no formal registration requirement for religions,
religious groups and all other groups planning to hold gatherings
are required to register with local police. Religious groups
also could register as citizen groups with the MUP to gain
the status of juridical person necessary for real estate
and other administrative transactions. The Government rescinded
the citizen group registration of one religious group--The
Sanatan Society for Spiritual Science--claiming that Sanatan
documents included tenets promoting criminality.
The Belgrade Islamic community reported continued difficulties
in acquiring land and government approval for an Islamic
cemetery near the city. Representatives of the Islamic Community
of Novi Pazar, in contrast, continued to report good relations
with the Government.
The Government did not grant special visas to missionaries,
who had to obtain residence permits or to leave the country
every 3 months to renew their status.
The armed forces continued to offer only Serbian Orthodox
services; however, members of other faiths may attend religious
services outside their posts.
Religious education
in primary and secondary schools continued during the year.
Students were required either to attend
classes from one of the seven "traditional religious
communities" or to substitute a class in civic education.
The proportion of students registering for religious education
grew during the year; however, registrations for civic education
courses continued to predominate. Some Protestant leaders
and NGOs continued their objection to the teaching of religion
in public schools, as well as to proposals to classify some
of the Republic's religions as traditional.
There was no progress noted during the year on restitution
of previously seized church property.
Religion and ethnicity are intertwined closely throughout
SaM; thus, in many cases it was difficult to identify discriminatory
acts as primarily religious or primarily ethnic in origin.
Propaganda against sects continued in the press, and religious
leaders noted that instances of vandalism often occurred
soon after such press reports (see Section 5). According
to some sources, the situation was further complicated because
one of Serbia's leading experts on sects was a police captain
whose works were used in military and police academies.
In April, an Adventist pastor in Zrenjanin, Josip Tikvicki,
responded to the sound of his church windows breaking and
was subsequently severely beaten. According to church sources,
the same church had been the scene of a number of attacks
the previous year, but the vandals had never been caught.
Following this attack, a representative of the SaM Ministry
of Human and Minority Rights visited the hospitalized cleric
and publicly condemned the incident. Three persons were
sentenced to several months in jail for the attack.
A representative of Belgrade's Islamic community claimed
that two individuals were killed in March because of their
Islamic identity. One of the victims was the grandson of
a former Belgrade Imam, while the other was a Muslim Roma
inmate in prison in Pozarevac who reportedly was killed by
other inmates.
Novi Sad police failed to respond to repeated complaints
by members of the Muslim Gujak family that over a period
of 3 years they had been threatened, insulted, and on one
occasion assaulted by their Serb neighbor. The HLC filed
a criminal complaint against the neighbor, Vujic, for abusing
the Gujaks on ethnic grounds; at year's end the trial had
not begun.
Minority religious communities reported continued problems
with vandalism of church buildings, cemeteries and other
religious premises. Many of the attacks involved spray-painted
graffiti, rock throwing, or the defacing of tombstones; however,
a number of cases involved much more extensive damage. In
May, a Molotov cocktail was thrown at a Sanatan residence
outside Belgrade. There were approximately 10 incidents in
which gravestones were desecrated, including those in Jewish,
Catholic, Islamic and Lutheran cemeteries. One of the largest
instances of desecration occurred in September when youths
defaced an estimated 80 graves in a Catholic cemetery in
Vojvodina. Suspects were apprehended shortly after the incident;
however, no judicial proceedings were initiated during the
year.
Jewish leaders reported an increase in anti-Semitism, both
in the media and in acts of vandalism, such as the destruction
of gravestones. According to representatives of the Union
of Jewish Communities of SaM, anti-Semitic hate speech often
appeared in small-circulation books (see Section 5). The
release of new books (or reprints of translations of anti-Semitic
foreign literature) often led to a spike in hate mail and
other expressions of anti-Semitism.
There have been a number of continuances in the Savic case,
in which an author of anti-Semitic literature was tried for
spreading racial or national hatred. The latest continuance,
granted to allow for a psychiatric examination of the defendant,
was ongoing at year's end.
While in previous years Jehovah's Witnesses reported that
their members were serving sentences for conscientious objection
to the draft, they reported no such detainees during the
year. Moreover, the SaM Government began to implement civilian
service as an alternative to mandatory army service. Civilian
service options complement the non-lethal options already
present for conscripts who object to military service for
reasons of conscience. Some journalists questioned whether
conscientious objector regulations will extend to adult converts
who wish to leave the ready reserve.
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2003 International
Religious Freedom Report.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel,
Emigration, and Repatriation
The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government
generally respected them in practice.
Bosniaks crossing into Serbia from Bosnia no longer reported
being subjected to lengthy searches by border police.
On October 6, Bosnian Minister for Human Rights and Refugees,
Mirsad Kebo, and SaM Minister for Human and Minority Rights,
Rasim Ljajic, signed an agreement and protocol on the return
of refugees; the agreement creates a mechanism to exchange
information through announcements of returns, provides for
joint projects, and creates a Working Group as a consultative
body.
The conflicts that occurred in Bosnia, Croatia, and Kosovo
led to widespread displacement of persons. There were approximately
216,000 IDPs from Kosovo in Serbia, mainly Serbs, Roma, and
Bosniaks. Most Serb IDPs from Kosovo rented inadequate lodgings
or were housed with host families or relatives; however,
approximately 9,000 remained in collective centers which
foreign observers found to be inadequate for any purpose
other than emergency shelter. Collective centers were a drain
on government resources. It was impossible to estimate unemployment
figures among IDPs; most families have moved three times
or more in search of better schooling or employment opportunities.
It is probable that many of them were employed either fully
or part-time in the informal sector, such as working in one
of the many gray economy firms manufacturing clothes, furniture
and other products. The Government, with support of the U.N.
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), worked on closing
115 collective centers housing refugees (not IDPs) from Bosnia
and Croatia by setting qualifications to remain housed in
collective centers and seeking alternate housing for others.
The great majority of the approximately 10,000 IDPs who
fled into Kosovo during the 2001 crisis in southern Serbia
returned to their homes in Bujanovac, Presevo, and Medvedja
municipalities following the implementation of the 2001 Covic
plan.
The UNHCR estimated that there were 40,000 to 45,000 displaced
Roma living in Serbia proper, as many Kosovar Roma were perceived
as Serb collaborators during the Kosovo conflict and so could
not safely return there. Living conditions for Roma in Serbia
were, on the whole, extremely poor. Local municipalities
often were reluctant to accommodate them, hoping that if
they failed to provide shelter, the Roma would not remain
in the community (see Section 5). If Roma did settle, it
was most often in official collective centers with minimum
amenities or, more often, in makeshift camps on the periphery
of major cities or towns.
The SaM and Serbian Constitutions provide for the granting
of refugee status (at the Republic level) or asylum status
(at the SaM level) to persons who meet the definition in
the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees
and its 1967 Protocol. In practice, the Government provided
protection against refoulement and provided refugees status
and asylum. The Government cooperated with the UNHCR and
other humanitarian organizations assisting refugees. There
were approximately 317,000 refugees in Serbia from other
successor nations of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Of these refugees, most (212,000) were from Croatia. The
great majority of the several thousand ethnic Albanians who
fled into Serbia in 2001 to escape the conflict in Macedonia
have returned to their homes in Macedonia.
The Government also provides temporary protection to certain
individuals who do not qualify as refugees or asylees.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of
Citizens to Change Their Government
The SaM Constitutional Charter provides citizens with the
right to change their government peacefully, and citizens
exercised this right in practice through periodic, free,
and fair elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
SaM and the Serbian Republic each have a parliamentary system
of government. In SaM, the president is elected by the SaM
Parliament; in Serbia, the president is elected by direct
vote.
On November 17, Serbian presidential elections failed because
turnout did not meet the required 50 percent threshold; this
was the third failed attempt to elect a President since 2002.
Nonetheless, the OSCE concluded that the elections were generally
free and fair; however, significant challenges remained,
particularly with regard to the legislative framework for
elections.
On November 13, acting on a Government proposal, Natasa
Micic, the Speaker of Parliament and acting President of
Serbia, dissolved Parliament in the face of legislative gridlock
and pending votes of confidence on her performance and on
the Government. Parliamentary elections held on December
28 were generally free and fair, despite some legislative
shortcomings. The Serbian Radical Party--whose leader Vojislav
Seselj faced war crimes charges before the ICTY--won a plurality
(82 of 250 seats); however, democratic parties together controlled
more than half of the seats. At year's end, the new parliament
had not met, and the new government had not been formed.
There were irregularities in one parliamentary vote. In
December, Boris Tadic, a leader of the Democratic Party (DS),
admitted that a vote was cast on behalf of a DS Member of
Parliament who was not in fact present when Parliament approved
the nomination of Kori Udovicki as National Bank Governor
on July 22. Votes may also have been cast on behalf of two
absent members of another political party when Udovicki was
approved. In May, the Constitutional Court ruled that Members
of Parliament who left their parties were entitled to retain
their parliamentary seats. The parliament did not implement
this decision by year's end, leading the Court to reprimand
the Parliament several times.
At the local level, there were a few by-elections during
the year; these were generally free and fair. The 2002 Law
on Local Self-Government instituted direct election of mayors
and enlarged competencies for municipal and city governments,
including greater flexibility in recapturing tax revenue
for local needs. The law also increased citizens' ability
to participate directly in local government by giving them
the right to undertake civil initiatives and organize local
referendums.
There were 10 women in the 126-seat SaM Parliament and 27
women in the 250-seat Serbian Parliament. There were three
women in the Serbian Cabinet. Women were very active in political
organizations; however, they only held approximately 10 percent
of ministerial-level and parliamentary positions in the Serbian
and SaM Governments. Prominent positions held by women during
the year included: Speaker of the Serbian Parliament (who
was also Acting President of Serbia); the deputy Speaker,
Serbian Ministers for Social Welfare, for Transportation
and Telecommunication, and for Environment; President of
the Serbian Supreme Court; Central Bank Governor; and Mayor
of Belgrade.
There were no legal restrictions on minority participation
in political life. There were 20 minorities in the 250-seat
Serbian Parliament. There was one minority in the Serbian
cabinet, and two minorities in the SaM cabinet. The two
largest ethnic groups, Serbs and Montenegrins, dominated
the country's political leadership. A coalition of ethnic
parties was unable to enter parliament because it did not
meet the 5 percent threshold of votes in the December Parliamentary
elections; however, members of minority groups were on
slates of non-ethnically based parties, and some of these
individuals were likely to enter parliament when parties
allotted seats to individuals on their slates. Some minorities,
such as Hungarians and Bosniaks, turned out to vote in
parliamentary elections in percentages roughly equal to
or greater than the general population; however, Roma continued
their historical pattern of low voter turnout, and very
few ethnic Albanians participated in the December 28 parliamentary
election.
In Vojvodina, where the Hungarian minority constituted approximately
15 percent of the population, many regional political offices
were held by Hungarians. Jozsef Kasza, a Hungarian minority
party leader, was a Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia. Ethnic
Hungarians led municipal governments in Subotica and six
other municipalities in northern Vojvodina. Few members of
other ethnic groups were involved at the top levels of government
or the economy; however, two Sandzak Muslims served in the
5-person SaM Cabinet. In the Sandzak, Bosniaks controlled
the municipal governments of Novi Pazar, Tutin, and Sjenica.
Roma had the right to vote, and there were two small Romani
parties in Serbia. One of the four deputy mayors in Kragujevac
was Roma.
The 2002 Law on Local Elections instituted a proportional
system of voting guaranteeing multi-ethnic representation
in government. These legislative changes led to the election,
in July 2002, of ethnic Albanian mayors and Albanian-led
multi-ethnic municipal assemblies in the municipalities of
Bujanovac and Presevo. However, the direct election of mayors
was not instituted in some subsequent municipal by-elections
in other areas, which followed earlier law. The Serbian Republic's
2002 Omnibus Bill on Vojvodina granted increased powers of
self-government to the historically distinct Vojvodina region
of Serbia, although the law stopped far short of restoring
the full autonomy that Vojvodina Province enjoyed until 1989.
Ethnic groups established 10 minority councils, in accordance
with the February 2002 FRY Law on Protection of the Rights
and Liberties of National Minorities (see section 5).
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International
and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged
Violations of Human Rights
A number of domestic and international human rights groups
generally operated without government restriction, investigating
and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government
officials generally were cooperative and responsive to their
views; however, during the State of Emergency, the Government
suspended HCS visits to inmates. Some NGOs, such as the G-17
Institute, Lex, Otpor, and the Center for Free and Democratic
Elections (CeSID) contributed to the Government's reform
strategies at the highest level. NGOs such as the HLC, Yugoslav
Lawyer's Committee for Human Rights (YUCOM), and HCS frequently
offered citizens their only chance for redress when government
institutions failed to protect basic human rights. Human
rights NGOs were highly independent in their assessments
of government actions. HLC, YUCOM, BCHR, the Leskovac Human
Rights Committee, and the Center for Antiwar Action researched
human rights abuses throughout the country. HCS and BCHR
published annual surveys on human rights issues in SaM. In
the Sandzak region, two committees monitored abuses against
the local Muslim population. Most of these organizations
offered advice and help to victims of abuse.
There were a few
incidents of government interference with the HLC. Vladimir "Beba" Popovic
filed a libel suit against the HLC for questioning the
legitimacy of his
status as the Government's communications director (see Section
2.a.). Additionally, police at a rally for missing persons
failed to protect the HLC director from repeated pushing
by a small group of opponents, and the MUP threatened to
file assault charges against the HLC director for slapping
one of the individuals who was pushing her to the ground.
The Government worked in partnership with international
and local NGOs in a number of areas affecting human rights
during the year, including monitoring of elections (CeSID),
monitoring of official corruption (Otpor), legal and judicial
reform (YUCOM, HLC, HCS), the drafting of the new criminal
code (BCHR), judicial education (HLC, BCHR), return of refugees
and IDPs (Serbian Democratic Forum, HCS), identification
of missing persons (ICMP), and the fight against human trafficking
(Astra, Counseling Center against Family Violence).
The SaM and Serbian Governments made progress in their cooperation
with the ICTY; however, the ICTY remained dissatisfied with
overall SaM cooperation, in particular because it believed
that key indictee General Ratko Mladic was at large in Serbia.
The ICTY issued indictments against four additional Serb
nationals during the year. At year's end, approximately 16
ICTY indictees with ties to the country remained at large.
The ICTY stated its disappointment that the Government had
not been able to arrest such persons, in particular former
Bosnian Serb leader Ratko Mladic.
On April 14, the
SaM Parliament strengthened the legal framework for cooperation
with the ICTY by amending the 2002 Federal
Law on Cooperation with the ICTY. The principal amendment
was the removal of Article 39, which held that the law applied
only to existing indictments. A number of indictees were
transferred to ICTY custody, some following arrests and some
following their surrender to authorities. Serbian President
Milan Milutinovic surrendered to the ICTY at the conclusion
of his mandate in January. Radical Party leader Vojislav
Seselj surrendered when his indictment was made public in
February. Cooperation on indictees improved markedly after
the March assassination of Prime Minister Djindjic. Secret
Police chief Jovica Stanisic and Red Beret founder Franko "Frenki" Simatovic,
both arrested during the State of Emergency, were indicted
by the ICTY and transferred to The Hague in June. Miroslav
Radic and Veselin Sljivancanin--the remaining members of
the "Vukovar Three" still at large--were transferred
in May and July, respectively. (Sljivancanin's arrest sparked
a day of public protest. During the year, the ICTY began
trying the Vukovar defendants for the killing of more than
200 civilians and POWs who were patients in a hospital in
Croatia in 1991. Zeljko Meakic and Mitar Rasevic surrendered
and were transferred to the ICTY in the summer. Serbian police
arrested Vladimir "Rambo" Kovacevic in September;
he was transferred to the ICTY on October 23.
The ICTY continued trials against Serb defendants for war
crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the 1991-99
conflicts in Kosovo, Croatia, and Bosnia, including against
former FRY President Slobodan Milosevic.
In October, the ICTY made public indictments against four
Serbian generals. One of these indictees, General Djordjevic,
was believed to be in Russia. The three other indictees remained
at large in Serbia at year's end. Although government officials
were believed to have made private overtures to the generals
to surrender themselves to the ICTY, there was no government
effort to arrest and transfer these indictees to the ICTY.
SaM and Serbian Governments have made progress in compliance
with document requests from the ICTY and in facilitation
of the testimony of witnesses. SaM's National Cooperation
Council (NCC) transferred hundreds of pages of documents
to the ICTY's Office of the Prosecutor, including minutes
of meetings of the FRY Supreme Defense Council from 1991-99,
as well as minutes from closed sessions of the Serbian Parliament.
However, a number of requests from the ICTY remained outstanding
at year's end. The NCC enabled the testimony of numerous
witnesses through the granting of waivers that freed potential
witnesses from local prosecution under state secrets laws.
However, there were threats and intimidation in Serbia against
potential ICTY witnesses.
During the year, domestic war crimes indictments and trials
continued in Serbia (see Section 1.e.).
There was no autonomous human rights ombudsman at either
the SaM or the Republic level; however, the Vojvodina Province
established an ombudsman position, and the Vojvodina Parliament
approved Petar Teofilovic as ombudsman in September.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) founded by
President Kostunica in 2001 was dissolved, along with many
other federal institutions, when the FRY ceased to exist
in February. Prior to its dissolution, it organized several
public events, including an exhibit of photography from the
Yugoslav wars of the 1990s.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Disability,
Language, or Social Status
SaM and Serbian laws provide for equal rights for all citizens,
regardless of ethnic group, language, or social status, and
prohibit discrimination against women; however, in practice,
the legal system provided little protection for such groups.
Women
Violence against women was a problem, and high levels of
domestic violence persisted. By one estimate, half of all
women suffered physical or emotional abuse. The few official
agencies dedicated to coping with family violence had inadequate
resources; however, public recognition of the problem has
increased. In 2002, the Federal Criminal Code was amended
to make spousal rape a criminal offense. Few victims of spousal
abuse filed complaints with the authorities. Victim accusations
are not required for prosecution of domestic violence cases,
and prosecutions of such cases did occur during the year.
According to a victim's rights advocate, police response
to domestic violence improved markedly; a number of police
officers provided assistance to female victims of violence
and detained offenders to protect victims.
The Center for Autonomous Women's Rights in Belgrade offered
a rape and spousal abuse hotline, and sponsored a number
of self-help groups. The Center also offered assistance
to refugee women (mostly Serb), many of who experienced
extreme abuse or rape during the conflicts in the former
Yugoslavia. The Counseling Center Against Family Violence
operated a domestic violence shelter.
Trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation
remained a problem (see Section 6.f.).
While women's social status was not equal to men's, women
served, in significant positions and numbers, in government,
politics and professional occupations, though they were not
well represented in commerce. In urban areas, such as Belgrade,
Nis, and Novi Sad, women were represented widely in many
professions including law, academia, and medicine. Women
were also active in journalism, politics, and human rights
organizations. Since changing regulations to allow women
to serve as police officers in 2001, the police hired increasing
numbers of women officers. Women legally were entitled to
equal pay for equal work; however, according to the International
Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, women's average wage
was 11 percent lower than the average wage of men. Women
were granted paid maternity leave for 1 year, with an additional
6 months of unpaid leave available.
Traditional patriarchal ideas of gender roles, particularly
in rural areas, subjected women to discrimination in many
homes. In remote rural areas, particularly among some minority
communities, women effectively lacked the ability to exercise
their right to control property. In rural areas and some
minority communities, it was common for husbands to direct
the voting of wives.
Children
The Government attempted to meet the health and educational
needs of children. The educational system provided 9 years
of free, mandatory schooling. However, economic distress
affected children adversely in both the education and health
care systems, particularly Roma children, who rarely attended
kindergarten. Many Roma children never attended primary school,
either for family reasons, because they were judged to be
unqualified, or because of societal prejudice. Due to this
lack of primary schooling, many Roma children did not learn
to speak Serbian. Some Roma children were placed mistakenly
in schools for children with emotional disabilities because
Roma language and cultural norms made it difficult for them
to succeed on standardized tests in Serbian. During the year,
29 elementary and secondary schools offered weekly Roma language
and culture classes, and the SaM Ministry for Human and Minority
Rights provided free textbooks to Roma children; however,
there were reports that not all Roma children received a
complete set of textbooks.
It was estimated that approximately 30 percent of children
were abused. While teachers were instructed to report suspected
child abuse cases, they often did not do so. Police were
generally responsive to complaints, and prosecutions of child
abuse cases occurred during the year. Psychological and legal
assistance was available for victims and there was an incest
trauma center. Also, victims who were with their mothers
could stay in the domestic violence shelter.
Trafficking of children for the purpose of sexual exploitation
remained a problem (see Section 6.f.). There were reports
that some Roma children were trafficked within the Roma community
in Serbia and to other Roma abroad to be used in begging
and theft rings.
Persons with Disabilities
The law prohibits discrimination against persons with disabilities
in employment, education, or in the provision of other state
services; however, in practice, facilities for persons with
mental or physical disabilities were inadequate, and addressing
this problem was not a priority for the Government. There
were specialized schools for persons with disabilities, but
no special facilities or assistance was available for higher
education. There was no widespread employment discrimination
against persons with disabilities; however, a high unemployment
rate and lack of accommodations for persons with disabilities
made employment difficult. The law mandates access for persons
with disabilities to new official buildings, and the Government
generally enforced this provision in practice. As sidewalks
were replaced, the Government installed wheelchair ramps
at intersections. The Government did not provide mobile voting
for handicapped or ill voters incapable of coming to polling
stations, and in Serbian presidential and parliamentary elections
absentee ballots were not allowed, effectively disenfranchising
many persons with disabilities.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
Minorities constituted 25 to 30 percent of Serbia's population,
and included Hungarians, Bosniaks, Roma, Slovaks, Romanians,
Vlachs, Bulgarians, Croats, Albanians, and others.
Although some
problems persisted, the SaM and Serbian governments' policies
toward minorities improved greatly since Milosevic's
removal from office. SaM and Hungary signed a bilateral agreement
designed to protect national minorities on both sides of
the border. SaM Minister for Human and Minority Rights, Rasim
Ljajic, led a public education campaign for ethnic tolerance,
and his "Tolerancija" organization hosted a seminar
of youths from around the former FRY. His ministry ran an "SOS" hotline
for minorities and others concerned about human rights problems.
Sporadic, ethnically motivated attacks continued in southern
Serbia. This region, which encompasses the municipalities
of Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja, has the largest concentration
of ethnic Albanians in Serbia proper and had been an area
of significant ethnic unrest in 2000-01. A strong police
presence remained in southern Serbia due, in part, to credible
threats of violent acts by radical elements of the ethnic
Albanian community. There were few reports of police harassment
against the ethnic Albanian population, and there were no
reports of physical abuse or brutality; however, police killed
two ethnic Albanians during an attempted arrest (see Section
1.a.).
The trial of four persons for the 1992 Sjeverin killings
was the first trial concerning past government abuses of
Muslim citizens of the Sandzak and yielded three 20-year
sentences and one 15-year sentence (see Section 1.e.).
There were no reports of violence or harassment against
ethnic Hungarians in Vojvodina during the year. However,
on September 27, graves were desecrated in a predominantly
Hungarian Catholic cemetery (see Section 2.c.). Some members
of the Vlach community in Bor complained about the Serbian
Orthodox Church's refusal to conduct religious services in
the Vlach language rather than in Serbian.
Roma continued to be targets of numerous incidents of police
violence, verbal and physical harassment from ordinary citizens,
and societal discrimination. Police often did not investigate
cases of societal violence against Roma. In September, police
briefly detained two persons for beatings of Roma. HLC filed
a criminal complaint in the case; however, the case did not
go to court by year's end.
The Federal Minorities Law recognizes the Roma as a national
minority. It explicitly bans discrimination and calls for
government measures to improve Roma's conditions. The SaM
Human and Minority Rights Ministry has a four-person section,
currently funded by the OSCE, dedicated to Roma issues. Many
Roma lived illegally in squatter settlements that lacked
basic services such as schools, medical care, water, and
sewage facilities. Some of these settlements were located
on valuable industrial or commercial sites where private
owners wanted to resume control; others were on the premises
of socially owned enterprises due to be privatized. There
was one report of demolition of a Roma settlement during
the year. According to HLC, 52 Roma families were evicted
from an illegal settlement in Belgrade on May 19, and bulldozers
destroyed their homes. The building inspectors of Cukarica
municipality ordered the demolition of the settlement in
which approximately 250 Roma, mostly displaced from Kosovo,
lived. According to the Human and Minority Rights Ministry,
after the Ministry's intervention, the Roma in the Cukarica
settlement were allowed to relocate their settlement several
hundred meters away from the original site. In the Betonjerka
settlement in Belgrade, 29 families (approximately 175 people)
were forced to move when the land on which the settlement
was located was transferred to an investor. Municipal authorities,
in cooperation with the NGO Children's Roma Center, provided
alternate housing for the families in several different locations;
13 of the families accepted offers of housing in a building
that reportedly had an asbestos problem. Minister Ljajic
blocked demolition of a separate settlement in an industrial
zone during the year. In July, a Roma family of eight, including
an infant, was left homeless when the building residents'
committee evicted them from their apartment after it received
control of the building from the Stari Grad Municipality.
The Belgrade Municipal Assembly adopted a plan to construct
58 small settlements for socially vulnerable persons, with
the objective of resettling some of the Roma from illegal
settlements. The Belgrade Municipal Government has obtained
the bulk of the funds for the $15,625,000 (853,750,000 dinars)
project, which generated societal resentment due to the perception
that Roma were being favored over other homeless populations.
The Belgrade Government halted construction of one such settlement
after a demonstration by neighbors of the site; the case
was in court at year's end. The housing situation for Roma
is expected to be aggravated by the return of approximately
50,000 Roma to Serbia, most originally from Kosovo, who were
being deported from Germany and Switzerland under bilateral
readmission agreements.
In Leskovac and the town of Pozega, Roma reportedly have
been refused social welfare services for arbitrary reasons.
Roma IDPs from Kosovo were particularly subject to discrimination
and abuse; most of them lacked identity documents, making
it difficult for them to gain access to social services
and state-provided health care. The Roma Educational Center
reported that some Roma IDPs in Nis were mistaken for Kosovo
Albanians and subjected to discrimination on that basis.
Some non-Roma refugees and IDPs suffered from discrimination.
The HLC reported that the Government did not allow some Kosovo
IDPs to redesignate their official places of residence as
Kragujevac; this deprived them of health insurance, social
welfare, and normal access to schools. The Nis Council for
Human Rights reported that the approximately 20,000 refugees
and IDPs in the Nis area suffered from "quiet discrimination" in
areas such as housing and employment.
Roma education
remained a problem, and lack of official documents hindered
Roma's ability to receive services available
to all other citizens. The UNHCR, with government support,
began health education programs for Roma, and catch-up and
head-start programs for Roma children. The SaM Government
put an emphasis on increasing enrollment of Roma children
in school; in November, the SaM Human and Minority Rights
Ministry provided scholarships to high-achieving Roma middle
school students. During the year, there were 42 Roma children
in secondary schools and 41 Roma in universities, compared
to 52 for the "history of Yugoslavia," according
to SaM Federal Minorities and Human Rights Minister Rasim
Ljajic. During the year, the Serbian Government provided
scholarships to the Roma university students.
Ethnic Albanian leaders of the southern Serbian municipalities
of Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja continued to complain
of the under representation of ethnic Albanians in state
structures (see Section 3). Implementation of the Covic plan
gave southern Serbia's ethnic Albanians proportional representation
in the police and control of local governments in municipalities
where they constituted a majority. There were no Albanians
enrolled in Serbian universities during the year; applicants
for the affirmative action program were required to take
(not pass) the entrance exam, but none did so because they
did not speak Serbian.
Minister Ljajic, a Bosniak, was one of the more visible
and influential members of the SaM Government during the
year. Bosniaks led local governments in the three majority-Muslim
municipalities in the Sandzak region. In Novi Pazar, the
municipal government in 2002 gave the Bosnian language official
status, as allowed under the Serbian Law on Local Self-Government.
All seven Sandzak municipalities--Novi Pazar, Tutin, Sjenica,
Pribor, Prijepolje, and Nova Varos–-had multi-ethnic municipal
assemblies.
Incitement to Acts of Discrimination
Although SaM and
Serbian law provide for freedom of the press, political
pressure from various factions restricted
the independence of the media (see Section 2.a.). In April,
Parliament approved the Public Information Law, which bans
dissemination of information that incites violence, hatred,
or discrimination (see Section 2.a.). Propaganda against "sects" (religions
other than the seven "traditional" religions) continued
in the press, and religious leaders noted that instances
of vandalism often occurred soon after such press reports.
According to some sources, the situation was further complicated
because one of Serbia's leading experts on sects was a police
captain whose works were used in military and police academies.
Jewish leaders reported an increase in anti-Semitism in the
media. Anti-Semitic hate speech often appeared in small-circulation
books (see Section 2.c.).
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The law provides for the right of association; all workers,
except military and police personnel, have the legal right
to join or form unions, and workers did so in practice. In
the socially owned state sector, 60 to 70 percent of workers
belonged to unions. In the private sector, only 4 to 6 percent
were unionized, and in agriculture up to 3 percent. The Alliance
of Independent Labor Unions (Savez Samostalnih Sindikata
Srbije, or SSSS), formerly affiliated with Milosevic's regime,
claimed 1.8 million members, although this number was estimated
to be closer to 800,000 in practice. The largest independent
union was the United Branch Independent Labor Unions (Nezavisnost),
which had approximately 600,000 members. The third largest
union was the Association of Free and Independent Trade Unions
(ASNS), which had approximately 300,000 members; the ASNS
is a member of the ruling coalition, and its leader is Minister
of Labor in the Government. Most other independent unions
were sector specific and had approximately 130,000 members.
The largest among them is the union of the Electric Power
Company of Serbia (EPS), with over 20,000 members.
The Criminal Code does not prohibit anti-union discrimination;
the trade union Nezavisnost reported a number of cases in
which its members were harassed either by employers or by
representatives of other trade unions. The Labor Law guarantees
freedom of trade union association and activities and stipulates
that a trade union can be established without any approval
and inscribed in the trade union register kept by the Labor
Ministry.
The Social-Economic Council was established in August 2001
on the basis of a tripartite agreement among the Government,
representative trade unions, and an employers' association;
during the year, unions suspended participation in the Council,
demanding that it be made a more representative Council (inclusion
of additional ministries and employer associations) before
they return.
Unions could affiliate internationally; however, only Nezavisnost
was recognized by the international labor community as completely
independent from the Government. Nezavisnost was a member
of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU)
and other international unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
The signing of collective agreements was not mandatory for
employers, a situation which unions complained diminished
their role in the system. A union must have 15 percent of
employees as members to be eligible to negotiate with an
employer, or 10 percent of all employees to negotiate with
the Government.
Collective bargaining remained at a rudimentary level of
development. Individual unions continued to be narrow in
their aims and did not join with unions in other sectors
to bargain for common purposes. The history of trade unionism
in the country centered not on bargaining for the collective
needs of all workers but rather for the specific needs of
a given group of workers. Thus, coal workers, teachers, health
workers, and electric power industry employees have been
ineffective in finding common denominators (for example,
job security protection, minimum safety standards, or universal
workers' benefits) on which to negotiate. This highly fragmented
labor structure resulted in few improvements in wages or
working conditions.
The law provides
for the right to strike; however, during the State of Emergency,
all strikes, protests, and public
gatherings were forbidden. The Law on Strikes restricted
the right to strike for employees in "essential service
production enterprises," such as education, electric
power, and postal services--approximately 50 percent of all
employees. These employees must announce their strikes at
least 15 days in advance and must ensure that a "minimum
level of work" is provided. Security forces did not
disrupt any strikes or arrest union leaders during the year.
The independent unions, while active in recruiting new members,
did not reach the size needed to mount Republic-wide strikes;
however, unions held several strikes during the year. In
January, between 4,000 and 5,000 workers of a copper mining
and processing company (RTB Bor) protested in their factory
and on the streets of Bor, requesting unpaid salaries, better
working conditions, and new management capable of providing
new contracts. The protest lasted 1 week and was resolved
with the visit of Prime Minister Djindjic and Finance Minister
Djelic, who showed respect for workers' requests and promised
full assistance. Outstanding salaries were paid from the
Republic budget and by the company, but sustainable functioning
of the company remained a problem. In March, Customs officers,
legally restricted from striking, twice stepped up inspections
at border crossings, creating 6-kilometer lines at the border
to protest for higher wages. The Customs officers' work actions
were intended to put pressure on their new superiors in the
Government during the transition of services from the federal
to republican level. The Government did not agree to the
demands, but Finance Minister Djelic managed to moderate
the protest.
During the summer, there were a number of major protests.
Employees of several republican institutions protested--including
employees from some former federal bodies that devolved to
the republic level--mostly seeking higher salaries.
The EPS union launched the biggest protest of the summer
by withholding certain services from the public; the protest
escalated to a 4-day blockade of a major thoroughfare in
front of the Parliament, and ended with an agreement between
union leaders and the Ministry of Energy.
In August, farmers, farm unions, and some workers caused
traffic chaos in several parts of Serbia by blocking roads
in protest over various issues, ranging from privatization
to overdue crop payments. At the same time, workers of a
small agricultural company in Erdevik, in Serbia's northern
province of Vojvodina, repeatedly blocked the main highway
with tractors and trucks to protest the way the company was
privatized.
Public workers, including teachers, health workers, and
court assistants, held strikes during the year to seek job
security, higher pay, and the regular payment of wages. In
general, job security fears due to high unemployment, along
with disorganization of private sector trade unions, limited
workers' willingness to strike.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Bonded Labor
The law prohibits forced and bonded labor, including by
children; however, there were reports that such practices
occurred (see Sections 6.d. and 6.f.).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment
The minimum age for employment is 16 years, although in
villages and farming communities it was common to find younger
children at work assisting their families. Children--particularly
Roma--also could be found in a variety of unofficial retail
jobs, typically washing car windows or selling small items
such as newspapers; however, in recent years, this type of
labor has been less widespread because adults, lacking other
options for employment, have taken many of these jobs. Roma
children were often forced by their families into manual
labor, compelled to beg, or trafficked abroad to work in
begging or theft rings (see Section 6.f.). The Labor Ministry's
Labor Inspectorate checked for child labor during its inspections,
and the Social Welfare Ministry included prevention of child
labor in its regular child and family protection programs.
In January, the SaM Parliament ratified the ILO Convention
182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
Large government enterprises, including all the major banks
and industrial and trading companies, generally observed
the minimum wage standard of approximately $75 (4,400 dinars)
per month. This figure was roughly comparable to unemployment
benefits and, at least theoretically, was paid to workers
who had been placed in mandatory leave status. The minimum
wage was insufficient to provide a decent standard of living
for a worker and family. For example, the cost of food and
utilities for a family of four was estimated to be $200 (12,000
dinars) per month. Private enterprises used the minimum wage
as a guide, but tended to pay slightly more than the minimum
wage.
Reports of sweatshops operating in the country were rare,
although some privately owned textile factories operated
under very poor conditions. According to Nezavisnost member
Ranislav Canak, most of these factories were located in private
houses in rural parts of Sandzak, making detection and enforcement
difficult.
The official workweek of 40 hours was generally respected
in state-owned enterprises but not in privately owned companies.
According to the Labor Law, an employee may not work overtime
for more than 4 hours in 1 day or for more than 240 hours
within 1 calendar year. Payment of overtime was regulated
by collective agreements.
In February, the Labor Ministry reorganized the Labor Inspection
Department and announced openings for 500 new inspectors.
It was mandatory for each company to establish a Safety and
Security Unit in charge of implementing safety and security
regulations; however, in practice, these units were often
focused on rudimentary aspects of safety, such as purchase
of soaps and detergents, rather than on providing safety
equipment for workers. By some estimates, there were 20,000
workplace injuries annually in Serbia, with approximately
100 fatalities. Because of the competition for employment
and the high degree of government control over the economy,
workers who left hazardous work situations risked unemployment.
f. Trafficking in Persons
The law prohibits trafficking in persons; however, trafficking
in persons remained a problem. On April 11, the criminal
code was amended to include trafficking in persons as a criminal
offense. Previously, authorities used laws against kidnapping,
slavery, smuggling, and mediating prostitution to apprehend
traffickers. The penalty for the new offense of trafficking
is imprisonment of 1 to 10 years for a single offense, 3
to 40 years for multiple offenses, and 5 to 40 years if a
minor is involved or if a victim is killed.
The Government reported having arrested an estimated 30
persons running trafficking operations during the year, almost
all during the State of Emergency. No cases brought under
the new trafficking law had reached trial phase by October
1; however, convictions were obtained on related charges
during the year. Police officers were instructed how to distinguish
trafficking victims from prostitutes and illegal migrants,
and when police believed that a possible trafficking victim
had arrived at the detention center for foreigners, they
summoned the International Organization for Migration (IOM)
to make a formal identification. The Government reported
that 200 police officers had received anti-trafficking in
persons training, which has been incorporated into the regular
syllabus for officers. Police assisted in international investigations
of human trafficking.
The country served as a transit country, and to a lesser
extent a country of origin and a destination country, for
trafficking in women and girls for the purpose of sexual
exploitation. Serbia was primarily a transit country for
internationally trafficked women going to Kosovo, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and Western Europe. The primary source countries
for trafficking in persons were Moldova, Romania, Ukraine,
Russia, and Bulgaria. In 2002, the IOM estimated that between
6,000 and 7,000 women were trafficked through Serbia. Since
January, the IOM has seen far fewer trafficked women in Serbia,
but it is not clear to what extent this trend reflected a
decline in trafficking and to what extent it was due to other
factors, such as better concealment after regional anti-trafficking
operations in 2002. No reliable estimate existed on the number
of women controlled by human traffickers in the country.
Serbia did not traditionally serve as a major source country
for trafficked women, but poor economic conditions have increased
Serbian women's vulnerability to traffickers, particularly
for Roma. Trafficking in children for use in begging or in
theft rings was a problem among Roma.
Recruitment devices included advertisements for escort services,
marriage offers, and offers of employment. Often women knowingly
went to work as prostitutes and later, once they left their
country of origin and were in the hands of traffickers, discovered
that they were prisoners. There was anecdotal evidence that
after anti-trafficking operations in 2002 some traffickers
began treating trafficked women slightly better, providing
a small amount of money and permitting some freedom of movement
and contact with family. Women were recruited, transported,
sold, and controlled by international organized crime networks.
The central point in Serbia for holding and transferring
trafficked women was Belgrade.
There were no reports of government officials condoning
or participating in trafficking in Serbia, but trafficking
in Serbia could not take place without the cooperation of
at least some police, border guards, and minor officials.
No police, including border guards, were arrested for facilitating
trafficking during the year; however, in 2002, 12 police
officers who were providing security at venues where trafficked
women were present were arrested during raids. Criminal charges
were filed against one of the officers, and the others were
fined, suspended, or fired.
With the dissolution of the FRY, the position of Anti-Trafficking
Coordinator moved from the federal level to the republic
level and was held by the Deputy Head of the Department of
Border Police. The Coordinator leads a multidisciplinary
anti-trafficking team, which included many Serbian Government
ministries (MUP, Social Welfare, Health, Justice, Labor,
Finance), the IOM, the OSCE, and two local NGO's--Astra,
which was dedicated exclusively to the fight against trafficking
and ran a trafficking victim's hotline and carried out extensive
public awareness campaigns to prevent trafficking, and the
Counseling Center Against Family Violence, which ran a shelter
for trafficking victims. NGOs and volunteers provided legal,
medical, psychological, and other assistance to victims.
The IOM managed repatriation of victims and repatriated 36
women determined to be victims of trafficking during the
year. The IOM also assisted in the reintegration of 10 local
victims during the year. In 2002, the IOM opened a regional
clearing center for information on trafficking victims, which
operated in Government-donated offices in Belgrade. An anti-trafficking
police team was established for each police district.
KOSOVO
Kosovo is administered under the civil authority of the U.N.
Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), pursuant
to U.N. Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1244. UNMIK and
its chief administrator, the Special Representative of the
Secretary General (SRSG), established a civil administration
in 1999, following the conclusion of the NATO military campaign
that forced the withdrawal of Yugoslav and Serb forces. In
2001, UNMIK promulgated the Constitutional Framework for
Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo (the Constitutional
Framework), which defined the Provisional Institutions of
Self Government (PISG). The PISG is made up of the 120-member
Kosovo Assembly, which in 2002 selected Ibrahim Rugova as
President of Kosovo and Bajram Rexhepi as Prime Minister,
as well as other government officials. Kosovo has a multi-party
system with three dominant mono-ethnic Albanian parties and
several minority parties and coalitions. In 2002, municipal
elections were held which were well organized, peaceful,
and met international standards.
UNMIK has issued regulations to address the civil and legal
responsibilities of governmental entities and private individuals,
and promulgated laws passed by the Kosovo Assembly. UNMIK
regulations bind all public officials, including judges,
to respect international human rights law. The Constitutional
Framework provides for an independent judiciary; however,
both the international and local judiciary continued to be,
at times, subjected to bias and outside influence, particularly
in inter-ethnic cases.
The U.N.-authorized, NATO-led peacekeeping force for Kosovo,
known as the Kosovo Force or KFOR, continued to carry out
its mandate to maintain internal security and defend against
external threats. Policing was done by UNMIK Civilian Police
(CIVPOL), which continued to transfer basic police authority
and functions to the Kosovo Police Service (KPS), while
maintaining oversight. The Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC),
a civilian emergency preparedness service agency that incorporated
disarmed former fighters of the Kosovo Liberation Army
(KLA), continued to train and develop its disaster response
skills, and undertook humanitarian projects. While the
UNMIK international civilian authorities and KFOR generally
maintained effective control over security forces, there
were instances in which elements of the security forces
acted independently of their respective authority. Some
members of security forces committed human rights abuses.
The economy, in transition from a centrally directed to a
market-based economy, was based primarily on agriculture,
mining industries, and construction services, with a heavy
dependence on foreign remittances. Kosovo had an estimated
population of 1.7 million. Gross domestic product grew by
2 percent during the year and almost 60 percent since 2000.
Major industries had not reopened and the economy remained
stagnant; UNMIK began a privatization program that experienced
setbacks during the year. There was significant criminal
economic activity. Unemployment estimates ranged from 50
to 60 percent among ethnic Albanians and higher among Kosovo
Serbs and other ethnic communities.
UNMIK and the PISG generally respected the human rights
of Kosovo's residents; however, there were serious problems
in some areas. Several killings resulted from attacks that
appeared to be politically motivated. There were some deaths
and injuries resulting from landmines and particularly unexploded
ordnance, but fewer than in previous years. There were some
kidnappings. UNMIK's efforts to continue exhumation of gravesites
and to pursue identification of remains improved during the
year. There were allegations that KFOR and CIVPOL, at times,
used excessive force. Twelve KPC members were suspended after
an UNMIK-KFOR investigation found that they materially supported
criminal activities. Lengthy pretrial detention was a problem;
it continued to be used routinely in criminal cases, although
the measure was intended to be used only in extraordinary
circumstances. The judiciary did not always provide due process.
Media organizations criticized UNMIK regulations prohibiting
articles that might encourage criminal activity or violence
as an infringement on freedom of speech and of the press.
UNMIK occasionally limited freedom of assembly and forcibly
disrupted some violent demonstrations. Religious and ethnic
tensions and violence persisted. Freedom of movement for
ethnic minorities, particularly Kosovo Serbs, continued to
be a serious problem; many of the approximately 100,000 Kosovo
Serbs who remained in Kosovo continued to live in the north
or in enclaves under the protection of KFOR. Of the more
than 225,000 members of ethnic communities (including approximately
170,000 Kosovo Serbs and 25,000 Roma) displaced after June
1999, few returned to Kosovo due to concerns about security,
freedom of movement, and lack of employment opportunities.
Despite this, efforts to facilitate internally displaced
person (IDP) returns improved during the year. Some international
agencies and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) continued
to organize small-scale return projects.
Violence and discrimination against women remained serious
problems. Persons with mental and physical disabilities faced
considerable social discrimination and lacked access to adequate
social and health services, despite some efforts to improve
facilities and security. The level of violence against Kosovo
Serbs remained largely constant with several prominent and
brutal incidents receiving widespread attention. None of
the perpetrators of Serb killings with a presumed ethnic
motivation were arrested during the year, causing considerable
concern within the Serb community. Child labor increased
as more poor rural families moved to cities. Trafficking
in persons, particularly women for forced prostitution, remained
a serious problem.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no reports of the arbitrary or unlawful deprivation
of life committed by UNMIK, the PISG, KFOR, or their agents.
On February 1, Pristina District Court sentenced an UNMIK
police officer, John Atanga, to 1 year in prison for negligent
homicide after running over two persons with his vehicle
in 1999.
During the year, police recorded 72 killings; 2 more than
in 2002 (see Section 5). Some killings may have been politically
motivated, particularly because some of the victims were
either political party officials or connected with high-profile
political activity; however, such cases significantly decreased
from 2002.
On August 19,
UNMIK CIVPOL officer, Satish Menon, was killed when a sniper
fired on his vehicle with an automatic weapon.
The case remained unsolved at year's end. On September 9,
KPS officer, Hajdar Ahmeti, was killed in an ambush by unknown
persons while returning home from duty near Erenik river.
Police conducted a raid at a residence of the village of
Berjahe, Gjakova and arrested three suspects for Ahmeti's
murder; however, the trial had not begun at year's end. On
September 10, an attempt to kill KPS serious crimes investigator,
Fadil Syleviqi, failed; however, his associate, Agim Makolli,
was killed in the ambush. Syleviqi testified on June 17 in
the trial of Rrustem Mustafa, or "Commander Rremi," that
resulted in the war crimes convictions and sentencing of
a total of 45 years of imprisonment for four former KLA members,
including Mustafa, who was also a former KPC zone commander
(see Section 1.e.). On November 24, unknown assailants killed
two KPS members, Sebahate Tolaj and Isuf Haklaj, of the Peje/Pec
Regional Serious Crimes Unit while driving to work; both
were subordinates of Tahir Zemaj during the war, and were
officially investigating Zemaj's case.
Several witnesses in high profile cases were killed or attacked
during the year, underscoring the lack of an adequate witness
protection program. Two witnesses in the Dukagjini group
case were killed, Tahir Zemaj on Janury 4 and Ilir Selimaj
on April 14. Additionally, several witnesses survived attempted
killings, including Dukagjini group witness Ramiz Muriqi,
and KPS member and Rremi group witness Fadil Sylevic. It
was widely speculated that several KPS officers were murdered
as a result of their investigative work in some unsolved
high profile crimes, including KPS officer Hajdar Ahmeti
on September 7, and two KPS officers from Peja Regional Serious
Crimes Unit, Isuf Haklaj and Sabahate Tolaj, on November
24.
On March 24, the
2002 trial of former KLA officer Sali Veseli and three
other suspects for the 2000 murder of former KLA
commander Ekrem Rexha, known as "Commander Drini," concluded.
The court found Sali Veseli guilty of inciting the murder
and sentenced him to 10 years' imprisonment; the court sentenced,
Xhemajl Beqiraj to 1 year in prison, Halil Cadraku to 2 years
and 6 months in prison for possession of arms without permission,
and released Abit Haziraj.
Following the 2002 convictions of five former senior members
of the KLA, two key witnesses in their trial were killed
in two separate incidents. Tahir Zemaj, a former commander
of the now-defunct guerilla army and KLA rival Armed Forces
of the Republic of Kosovo (FARK), his son and his nephew
were killed on January 4. Ilir Selimaj, a former member of
the defendant's KLA unit, and his pregnant sister-in-law
were killed on April 14.
No arrests were made by year's end for the 2002 killing
of Smajl Hajdaraj, an LDK member of the Kosovo Assembly.
In the 2002 killing of Uke Bytyci, LDK Mayor of Suhareke/Suva
Reka municipality, in which his two bodyguards, Bajram Bytyci
and Bahtir Bajrami were also shot, the Court of Prizren found
Jetullah Kryeziu guilty and sentenced him to 20 years and
6 months in prison; the court sentenced Mentor Kryeziu to
5 months in prison for hiding the weapon. By year's end,
no charges had been filed against the several suspects that
were arrested in 2002 for the 2001 killing of Bekim Kastrati,
a journalist with the LDK-linked newspaper, Bota Sot, and
LDK bodyguard Besim Dajaku.
There were no developments in several murders from previous
years, including the following from 2001: The murder of Ismet
Rraci, LDK branch president and president of Kline/Klina
Municipal Assembly; the killing of Ahmet Balaj, an LDK committee
member in Mitrovica; the killing of Qerim Ismaili of the
Kosovo Democratic Initiative; and the shooting of two brothers,
one of whom was a bodyguard of the mayor of Istog/Istok municipality.
There were a number of assaults and killings of ethnic Serbs
during the year, including those perpetrated by other Serbs
(see Section 5).
Land mines and unexploded ordnance (UXO) from the 1999 conflict
remained a problem, particularly in rural areas; however,
fatalities decreased from previous years. During the year,
UXO or mines killed 3 persons and injured 16, compared with
8 fatalities and 8 injuries in 2002. UXO, particularly the
remains of NATO cluster bombs, was the main threat; KFOR
patrols continued to find UXO almost daily basis.
Domestic Courts and the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) continued to adjudicate
cases arising from crimes committed during the 1998-99 conflict
(see Sections 1.e. and 4).
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
However, there were accusations of inter-ethnic, politically
motivated kidnappings and attempted kidnappings.
On August 6, four armed persons kidnapped 11 Kosovo Albanians
at a picnic in the mountains of Istog and asked for an
explanation as to why the sale of Serb property was being
impeded in the Istog municipality. A ransom was initially
demanded, but they were later released. In September, a
12-year-old Serb girl in the village of Dobratin claimed
that several ethnic Albanians attempted to kidnap her,
and several days later a 23-year-old Serb woman made a
similar claim; however, subsequent investigations by KFOR,
CIVPOL, and KPS concluded that these two incidents were
staged or fabricated.
The UNMIK Office of Missing Persons and Forensics (OMPF)
developed a more unified, coordinated effort on missing persons
in Kosovo. Despite some frictions, OMPF signed a memorandum
of understanding with the International Commission for Missing
Persons (ICMP) defining technical procedures for DNA analysis,
coordinated with the CIVPOL Missing Persons Unit on investigations
and exhumations. OMPF also made considerable progress in
reforming the forensic system in Kosovo, creating and equipping
a new forensic facility. OMPF created an outreach office
in Belgrade to facilitate close cooperation with Serb authorities
and increase transparency. On May 8, 37 bodies composed the
first group of human remains transferred from Serbia, followed
by further transfers of 22 on June 12, 43 on July 23, 40
on October 16, and 44 on December 5. On January 9, the PISG
established the Government Commission on Missing Persons,
which increased in prominence at year's end as it assembled
the Pristina delegation for direct talks on missing persons
with the Government of Serbia and Montenegro.
There were approximately 3,600 missing persons at year's
end, of whom approximately 75 percent were Albanian and approximately
25 percent were Serb or from other ethnic groups. From 1999
through year's end, 4,638 remains of individuals were exhumed
or re-exhumed for identification, including 619 during the
year. At year's end, there were no remaining forensic examinations
to be performed; however, there may be additional sites.
During the year, OMPF received 365 DNA results, including
277 positive matches; 114 corroborated previous presumptive
identifications through traditional methods, 48 were negative
results, and 40 were duplicates. OMPF identified, returned
to families, and issued death certificates for 387 mortal
remains, of which 331 were Albanians and 56 were of other
ethnicities, including Serbs. In some cases, this process
was slowed by disagreements with family members over characterization
of the time and cause of death. The Serbian Authorities returned
187 identified bodies for which OMPF performed forensic inspections.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment
The law prohibits such practices; however, there were reports
that CIVPOL, KPS, and KPC, at times, used excessive force
or harassed persons.
On June 19, CIVPOL was accused of using excessive force
against the Serb medical staff, patients, and surrounding
population, while trying to take over the Medical Clinic
in Fushe Kosove/Kosovo Polje, vacated by KFOR. Also in June,
Pristina Hospital medical staff accused CIVPOL members of
mistreating mental patients from Dubrava Prison. On August
6, at the warden's request, the Kosovo Ombudsperson (OI)
visited these patients to establish whether there was any
abuse of their rights. The OI sent letters to the UNMIK Police
Commissioner and to the head of UNMIK Police and Justice
(Pillar I) but was not satisfied with their responses.
On October 7, a former CIVPOL officer, Martin Almer, was
sentenced to 3 years in prison, and two former KPS officers,
Feriz Thaqi and Isa Olluri, were sentenced to 6 months in
prison for causing minor injuries, forcing Gezim Curri from
Gjakova to give a false statement, and for physical abuse.
Almer returned to his home country immediately after the
incident in February 2002 and was later sentenced in absentia.
Some KPC members were responsible for incidents of intimidation
and extortion, and in several zones such misconduct may have
been organized and condoned by the local KPC leadership.
Some KPC members were directly involved with the violent
criminal activities of the so-called Albanian National Army
(AKSh). Most notably, on April 12, a KPC member was one of
two persons killed when a bomb they were placing on the Loziste
railway bridge in Zvecan Municipality detonated prematurely.
Following this incident, in May UNMIK cancelled all KPC activities
and trainings outside of Kosovo, and KPC Commander Agim Ceku
suspended several KPC members suspected of involvement in
illegal activities; however, the decision was later revoked.
In December, 12 KPC members were suspended with pay for 6
months after an UNMIK-KFOR investigation found involvement
in criminal activities; investigations into their alleged
wrongdoing continued at year's end.
In June, UNMIK Police detained two KPC members, Beqir Prokshi
and Sami Kodra, suspected of harassing a civilian on June
17; the two were later released. A number of KPC members
were arrested for crimes against other Kosovo Albanians,
resulting in charges that former KLA members were being targeted.
Despite these incidents, in general KPC discipline improved
and reports of intimidation were less common.
There were some reports of attempted intimidation of UNMIK,
OSCE, KPC officers, and KFOR officials. In July 2002, six
explosions took place in Klokot and one in Balance, injuring
two KFOR soldiers. The investigations into both incidents
continued at year's end.
Early in the year,
UNMIK disbanded the Kosovo Serb paramilitary group known
as the "Bridgewatchers"; however, Albanians
in Mitrovica claimed its members continued to operate on
and around the boundary between north and south Mitrovica
as part of other organizations (see Section 5). Former members
of the Bridgewatchers were allegedly involved in inter-ethnic
violence in Mitrovica. There were reports that a group of
Serb extremists in north Mitrovica called "Pit Bulls" were
linked with the former Bridgewatchers, and may have coordinated
the December attack on Prime Minister Rexhepi and the World
Bank delegation (see Section 5). Other reports alleged that
the group was led by Marjan Ilincic, a former leader of the
Bridgewatchers, who was wanted by police for an attack against
Polish police and other persons (see Section 5).
Prison conditions generally met international standards;
however, overcrowding, lack of adequate recreation facilities,
and the need for repairs remained problems. UNMIK administered
six low and medium security prisons in Kosovo: Pristina,
Prizren, Mitrovica, Peja, and Gjilan. There were approximately
1,250 persons in prison at year's end. In September, a new
correction center opened in Lipjan with a capacity of 140
inmates, most of whom were juveniles, persons with mental
disabilities, and women. There were a few allegations of
mistreatment by prison guards.
Prisoners conducted hunger strikes during the year, mostly
protesting conditions in the facilities. On September 4,
prisoners at Dubrava Prison rioted and barricaded the doors
of one prison block in protest of poor living conditions.
After prison guards attempted to enter the block, the prisoners
started a fire, which led to 5 deaths, 17 injuries, and loss
of 400 spaces for prisoners. UNMIK established an independent
commission and criminal investigation into the incident,
which concluded that the riot was caused primarily by low
morale and frustration resulting from insufficient training
of local correctional staff, inadequate hygienic facilities,
intermittent water supplies, and a lack of educational and
recreational activities in the prison. The Commission also
pointed to procedural flaws in response to the fire and structural
deficiencies in the prison building, lack of adequate contingency
planning, ill-defined command responsibility, and inadequate
training and equipment for fire-fighting and evacuation,
which increased the damage of the incident.
The OI criticized the treatment of prisoners with mental
disabilities guarded by the UNMIK police in Pristina hospital.
UNMIK built separate detachments for these prisoners in hospitals
in Peje and Prizren; however, Pristina hospital authorities
had not permitted the same facilities to be constructed.
Male and female
prisoners were held separately. Debrova prison held youth
offenders between the ages of 17 and 21;
they were separated from adult inmates. There was one medium
security prison referred to as a "correctional and educational
institution" that held juveniles under the age of 18,
and women. Pretrial detainees were generally held separately
from convicted criminals.
KFOR dismantled its detention facility at Camp Bondsteel
previously used for persons accused of war crimes, serious
ethnic offenses, and political violence, including armed
extremism, but maintained the ability to detain such prisoners.
The KFOR Commander (COMKFOR) issued an extrajudicial executive
detention order for Shefket Musliu, who was awaiting trial
at year's end. The SRSG also had this authority, but did
not exercise it during the year.
Prison officials consistently permitted visits by independent
human rights observers. Prisons and detention centers permitted
the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC) full
access to prisoners and detainees; however, the OI was the
only institution entitled to unimpeded and unannounced access
to all detention centers and prisons, without prior 24-hour
notice, and there were no reports that the OI was denied
this right during the year.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
UNMIK regulations prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention;
however, these prohibitions were not always observed in practice.
Police may detain criminal suspects for up to 72 hours without
charging them; however, there were reports that CIVPOL used
the 72-hour investigation detention authority as a means
of minor punishment with no intention of filing charges,
particularly in the case of petty offenders. Some judges
also complained that CIVPOL did not always bring detainees
before them by the expiration of the 72-hour period even
when they intended to charge them, and such cases were dismissed.
A Commissioner of Police, part of the UNMIK Police and Justice
Pillar 1, directed both the CIVPOL and the KPS. The combined
force was generally effective, and CIVPOL continued to
gradually transfer authority to KPS; KPS tended to be more
effective at the station level than at the regional level.
Minority membership in the KPS has improved considerably,
partly due to the hire of former Serb Minster of Interior
officers in the Serb-majority northern municipalities.
However, minority membership in the KPC continued to be
a problem despite KPC efforts to recruit members from non-Albanian
ethnic communities. Approximately 132 of the 3,000 active
duty (approximately 4 percent) KPC members were from ethnic
minority communities, including 32 Serbs (approximately
1 percent).
Corruption within the security forces was a problem, particularly
among KPS border police. However, structures were in place
to deal with corruption, including a Professional Standards
Unit that monitored KPS and CIVPOL, a U.N. Office of Oversight
that investigated corruption in the U.N., and a criminal
justice system that effectively prosecuted criminal offenses
by police. On September 12, two Ukrainian KFOR soldiers and
two Albanians were caught smuggling approximately $36,000,000
(28 million euros) worth of cigarettes across the border.
On October 20, six customs officers were suspended as the
result of police investigations conducted at several customs
points. In November, two Serb KPS members were arrested on
bribery charges for taking money from a villager in Verboc,
Viti municipality, to illegally cut wood in the nearby forest.
There were no specific plans to reform the police beyond
the training programs already in place, and the transfer
of authority to KPS continued to be monitored closely. KFOR
also provided extra security on the border with Macedonia,
Albania, and the administrative boundary line between Kosovo
and Serbia.
Arrest warrants
were issued and executed in an open manner by civilian
authorities. KFOR did not require arrest warrants;
however, the detention process by KFOR was transparent. Under
the Criminal Code, detainees have the right to be informed
of charges against them, to a lawyer of their choosing during
the full course of criminal proceedings, access to family
members, and the use of bail. Detainees were only provided
an attorney for the most serious offenses for which a "mandatory
defense" is required, and may be provided an attorney
for some charges that could result in prison sentences exceeding
3 years.
UNMIK regulations permit pretrial investigative detention
of 6 months, with extensions in serious cases of up to 1
year. Although pretrial detention was intended to be used
as an extraordinary measure, it has been ordered routinely
in almost all serious criminal cases; however, the application
of this measure decreased during the year. Approximately
550 persons were in pretrial detention (45 percent of the
total prisoners in Kosovo facilities) at year's end. Judges
often ordered pretrial detention at the beginning of the
investigation, when little evidence had been developed. This
authority was available to judges only if the identity of
the defendant could not be determined, if there was a risk
that the defendant would tamper with evidence or intimidate
witnesses, if the defendant is likely to repeat the criminal
act, or if the criminal act is punishable by 10 or more years'
imprisonment. The main reason for its use was a lack of civil
documents with correct addresses. Police unable to verify
the identity of suspects were obliged to detain them. The
more frequent use of bail reduced the number of pretrial
detainees. UNMIK established a commission to compensate persons
held in detention who were later found not guilty.
In some instances, the COMKFOR intervened to continue the
detention of persons not charged with a crime or ordered
released by the courts, but deemed an ongoing security threat;
however, no abuses of this power were reported. COMKFOR may
extend the period of detention in increments of 30 days.
There were no reports of political detainees, although some
Kosovo Serb defendants in war crimes cases and some former
KLA members asserted that they were being held for political
reasons.
The law prohibits forced exile, and there were no reported
instances of its use.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Constitutional Framework provides for an independent
judiciary; however, the judiciary was at times subject to
bias and outside influence, particularly in inter-ethnic
cases, and did not always provide due process. Some local
judges also lacked basic legal skills needed to conduct investigations
or trials. Courts suffered from lack of supplies, equipment,
and administrative management. Foreign governments and the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
organized numerous training programs for prosecutors and
defense counsel to improve advocacy skills during the year.
The court system includes a Supreme Court, 5 District Courts,
24 Municipal Courts, and a Commercial Court. At year's end,
there were 323 judges in Kosovo, of which 6 percent were
Serbs and 5 percent were from other minority ethnic groups.
There were 53 Prosecutors at year's end, of which 4 percent
were Serbs and 6 percent were from other minority ethnic
groups. The Minor Offenses Courts structure includes a High
Court of Minor Offenses and 25 Municipal Minor Offenses Courts.
The 24 Minor Offenses Court are separate from the Municipal
Courts, and primarily handle cases that involve public safety
and order violations and mandatory traffic offenses. The
judicial corps in the Minor Offenses court structure includes
108 judges. Out of 293 judges, 250 were Kosovo Albanian,
23 were Kosovo Serbs, and 20 were from other ethnicities.
International judges and prosecutors, appointed by UNMIK,
handled inter-ethnic and other sensitive cases, through each
of the five district courts of Kosovo. International judges
were also assigned to the Kosovo Supreme Court; there were
17 international judges and 10 international prosecutors
at year's end. The international judiciary reported to and
was managed by the UNMIK Department of Justice, which was
under the authority of the SRSG. The local judiciary reported
to the local Supreme Court and Chief Prosecutor of Kosovo.
However, the international prosecutors could hear any case
they deemed appropriate.
Legal experts and human rights observers continued to express
concern that a fair trial was unlikely in criminal cases
involving ethnic minorities, and prosecuted or tried by Kosovo
Albanian judicial personnel. As a result, such cases were
routinely assigned to international judicial personnel. The
judicial system faced the problem of a lack of staff; for
example, the Pristina district prosecutor's office only had
5 prosecutors for all of Pristina.
Approximately 12 UNMIK-appointed international judges and
5 international prosecutors worked in the District and Supreme
Courts. UNMIK regulation authorizes the SRSG to assign international
judges and/or prosecutors to any case where there is doubt
about the independence or impartiality of the judiciary or
the proper administration of justice. International judges
and/or prosecutors have handled approximately 3 percent of
all judicial cases, including some of the most sensitive
cases relating to organized crime, inter-ethnic violence,
and war crimes. In some instances, local judges refused to
sit on panels with a majority of international judges for
fear the community would hold them accountable for unpopular
verdicts and subject to intimidation.
Under an agreement between UNMIK and the Government of Serbia,
when filling vacant judge and prosecutor positions in the
local Kosovo justice system, Serbs and all other ethnic minorities
were to be given preference if otherwise equally qualified.
In consultation with the Kosovo Judicial and Prosecutorial
Council (KPJC), the SRSG continued to appoint candidates
during the year; however, there were some difficulties. The
Kosovo Judicial and Prosecutorial Council submitted a list
of 42 recommended judicial candidates to the Kosovo Assembly
(19 Albanians, 21 Serbs, 1 Bosniak, and 1 Gorani); however,
the Kosovo Assembly failed to submit its list of recommended
candidates to the SRSG, so the SRSG appointed the 42 candidates
without the Assembly's endorsement.
Courts in Serbia
and "shadow" courts operating
in some Serb enclaves in Kosovo continued to handle cases;
personnel in these parallel courts were paid by the Serbian
Justice Ministry. A 2002 agreement between UNMIK and the
Serbian Government was supposed to end the practice of double
salaries for Serb personnel in Kosovo courts; however, personnel
within the parallel courts continued to receive double wages.
Trials are public, and the law provides for the right of
defendants to be present at their trials, to confront witnesses,
to see evidence, and to have legal representation, at public
expense if necessary. Defendants are presumed innocent until
proven guilty and have the right of appeal. There is no jury;
cases are heard by professional and lay judges. During the
first half of the year, courts had provided legal representation
free of charge to over 250 defendants in criminal cases.
There were approximately 300 licensed attorneys in Kosovo.
UNMIK, through the OSCE, maintained several organizations
to increase the professionalism of the judicial corps. The
Kosovo Judicial Institute (KJI) continued to train judges
and prosecutors and have focused training efforts on continuing
legal education. The Judicial Inspection Unit (JIU) continued
to monitor judicial performance and make recommendations
on both discipline and training; the KJPC was responsible
for cases of judicial misconduct.
UNMIK regulation defines applicable law in Kosovo to include
both UNMIK regulations and legal codes in effect as of March
1989, when Kosovo lost its autonomy. Local legal and judicial
personnel are required to first apply the Kosovo code in
effect in 1989, then to use sections of the Yugoslav and
Serbian codes that are deemed nondiscriminatory to the extent
the first code was incomplete. On July 6, the SRSG adopted
a new Criminal Code and a new Criminal Procedure Code; however,
in order to leave time for training of judges, prosecutors,
attorneys and other legal staff, the codes were not expected
to be implemented until April 2004.
UNMIK regulations bind all public officials to respect international
human rights laws and conventions; however, they were initially
unacquainted with these laws. To enhance the familiarity
of judges and prosecutors with applicable law in Kosovo,
international organizations and NGOs implemented programs
to increase awareness and application of international
human rights laws and conventions. UNMIK, through the OSCE,
established the Kosovo Legal Center in 2000 to cultivate
the professional skills of the legal community. In addition
to publishing four compilations of applicable law to facilitate
access to legislation, the Center worked with the law faculties
to improve curriculum and teaching standards and held seminars
and workshops for the legal community.
The defense bar, the Kosovo Chamber of Advocates, was weak
and disorganized, but efforts by the international community
brought some improvement. The OSCE established a local NGO,
the Criminal Defense Resource Center (CDRC), to assist the
defense bar in capacity-building. NGOs and international
donors conducted trainings on advocacy, practical skills,
and international human rights law. The Kosovo Chamber of
Advocates, funded by the European Agency for Reconstruction,
conducted a legal aid program, primarily for civil and administrative
law matters. Some Kosovo Serb lawyers participated in the
judicial system; the Serbian Bar Association continued to
provide free legal assistance for Kosovo Serb defendants
in Kosovo. In addition, the OSCE provided logistical support
such as transportation to Serb attorneys that represented
Serb defendants in Kosovo courts due to security concerns.
There was no denial of legal representation for Serb defendants
during the year.
The lack of a tracking mechanism to identify cases from
arrest through closure was an obstacle to determining which
police investigations the District Prosecutor pursued. Substantial
case backlogs from previous years continued to affect the
criminal system. At year's end, the criminal caseload in
Kosovo Municipal courts included 187,982 new cases, with
61,713 cases pending from 2002, and District courts received
14,292 new cases, with 5,905 cases pending from 2002. Kosovo
Municipal courts completed 167,795 criminal cases, the vast
majority of which were petty crimes and crimes against property;
most resulted in fines or prison sentences under 6 months.
District courts completed 11,151 cases.
Kosovo's investigative, judicial, and penal systems, in
addition to the ICTY (see Section 4), continued work to identify
and punish perpetrators of war crimes from the 1999 conflict;
however, many cases remained unresolved. There were no significant
problems with domestic war crimes trials, which are presided
over by international judges and prosecutors in local venues;
however, the lack of witness protection was a consistent
problem in many trials (see Section 1.a.).
Proceedings continued in Kosovo courts to adjudicate approximately
32 cases of alleged war crimes and genocide arising from
the conflict. The courts tried four cases of war crimes during
the year. The Prizren District Court tried the Kolasinac
case, found the defendant guilty of war crimes, and sentenced
him to 8 years in prison; the defense filed an appeal. The
Gjilan District Court tried the Trajkovic case and found
the defendant not guilty of war crimes, but guilty of murder,
attempted murder, and illegal possession of weapons. He was
sentenced to 3 years and 3 months in prison; however, his
3 years of pretrial detention virtually cancelled out the
sentence. The Peja District Court found Milorad Besovic not
guilty of war crimes, but guilty of murder, and sentenced
him to 7 years in prison. The Pristina District Court tried
the Lapi Group in which four people were found guilty of
war crimes, including Rrustem Mustafa (Rremi) and Latif Gashi,
who were sentenced to 17 years and 10 years in prison respectively.
On October 27, UNMIK police arrested five former KLA members
on war crimes charges. An international investigative judge
was conducting the investigations while the suspects remained
in pretrial detention at year's end.
There was evidence that Kosovo Albanians in several ethnically
mixed areas used violence, intimidation, and offers to purchase
at inflated prices in order to break up and erode Kosovo
Serb neighborhoods through strategically targeted property
purchases. A number of the cases of violence against Serbs
may have been attempts to force persons to sell their property
(see Section 5). There were also reports that the Coordination
Center for Kosovo (CCK), funded by the Government of Serbia
and Montenegro, funded the purchase of homes in Albanian
enclaves in North Mitrovica.
An UNMIK regulation prevents the wholesale buy-out of Kosovo
Serb communities and combats the intimidation of minority
property owners in certain geographic areas; however, it
was rarely implemented in practice. The regulation mandates
that Municipal Administrators approve every proposed sale
of property (excluding agricultural land) between Kosovo
Serbs and other minority groups to Kosovar Albanians. UNMIK
did not fully implement this law during the year, since the
evaluation of each case was time consuming and many Kosovo
Serb owners were unable or unwilling to cooperate. Some municipalities
were excluded from this regulation at their request. The
OI and human rights groups criticized the regulation as limiting
the ability of Kosovo Serbs to exercise their property rights.
During the year, the Housing and Property Directorate (HPD)
shifted its focus to incorporate returns into its previously
exclusive focus on property law implementation, evicting
illegal occupants and returning property to the rightful
occupants. Since the arrival of a new director in October,
HPD significantly improved its ability to process claims.
The reorganized HPD received and adjudicated property claims,
produced legally binding decisions, evicted illegal occupants,
restored property to the rightful occupants, and administered
property on behalf of owners not in Kosovo. During the year,
the HPD resolved approximately 227 claims per week and carried
out an average of 12 evictions of illegal occupants per week,
for a total of approximately 600 evictions. During the year,
the HPD established a call center for notifying successful
claimants, and used it to notify approximately 1,500 claimants.
By year's end, the HPD had collected 28,832 of an estimated
70,000 claims and adjudicated 12,178 of these claims.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
The law prohibits such actions, and UNMIK authorities generally
respected these prohibitions in practice; however, a few
individuals and local NGOs accused KFOR of using excessive
force in executing searches in private homes.
In November, the OI wrote to the Deputy SRSG for Police
and Justice to complain about the behavior of the police
when searching houses, persons and premises, and when confiscating
personal property as evidence in legal proceedings without
search warrants.
An UNMIK regulation on Covert and Technical Measures of
Surveillance and Investigation permits police to conduct
covert operations with the prior written approval of an investigative
judge or public prosecutor; no abuses were reported during
the year.
Respect for private property rights continued to be problematic,
and inter-ethnic property disputes stemming from the 1999
conflict continued to be among the most serious obstacles
to ethnic reconciliation (see Section 1.e.). In Mitrovica,
Kosovo Serbs in the northern part of the city continued to
illegally occupy Kosovo Albanian properties, while Kosovo
Albanians in the southern part of Mitrovica also denied Kosovo
Serbs access to their property. A local initiative to allow
access to property on both sides of the Ibar River in Mitrovica
resulted in little progress. There were 13 evictions of illegal
occupants in the southern or Albanian side; 1 on the northern
or Serbian side when another Serb IDP replaced the evicted
IDP.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties:
a. Freedom of Speech and the Press
UNMIK regulations provide a framework for recognition of
the rights to freedom of speech and of the press, and UNMIK
and the PISG generally respected these rights in practice.
UNMIK regulations prohibit hate speech and speech that incites
ethnic violence, as well as newspaper articles that might
encourage criminal activity or violence; some local and international
media observers criticized this as an infringement of freedom
of the press. Otherwise, individuals were not prevented from
publicly or privately criticizing the UNMIK administration
or the PISG.
Most print and electronic media were independent but regulated
by UNMIK. In general, print media did not have a large circulation,
so the influence of electronic media on the population was
far greater. Although the numbers of daily and periodic newspapers
varied depending on available financing, there were six or
seven of each during most of the year. Most of the main dailies
were aligned with different political parties, although there
were three independent daily newspapers. There were six daily
newspapers in Albanian, all published regularly and locally.
An economic-themed Albanian weekly started but was published
in Switzerland. Two Serbian language magazines, Jedinstvo
and Glas Juga, were published in Kosovo. The Bosniak weekly
Alem was printed in Kosovo.
At year's end, there were 88 radio and 23 television stations
in Kosovo. Of these, 46 radio and 15 television stations
broadcast only in Albanian, 33 radio and television stations
broadcast in Serbian, 2 radio stations broadcast in Turkish,
3 radio stations broadcast in Bosniak, and 1 radio station
broadcast in a combination of Gorani and Bosniak. There were
3 multi-ethnic radio stations and 1 television station, while
there were 14 radio stations and 1 television station broadcasting
in more then one language. In total, four radio and three
television stations broadcast Kosovo-wide.
One Albanian language electronic media outlet, Radio Television
of Kosovo (RTK), was partially publicly funded. Additionally,
the Government of Serbia funded two independent broadcast
stations and several publications for Kosovo's minority
communities. Neither UNMIK, PISG, nor donor countries exercised
editorial control over these media outlets.
UNMIK controlled broadcasting infrastructure through the
Department of Post and Telecommunications, while the OSCE
oversaw the Department of Media Affairs. UNMIK also regulated
the conduct and organization of both broadcast and print
media and established the office of the Temporary Media Commissioner
(TMC) and the Media Appeals Board. The TMC was responsible
for publishing a broadcast code of conduct, issuing licenses,
and imposing sanctions up to and including closing down offending
media organs in the event of violations of UNMIK regulations
or published codes of conduct; however, the TMC believed
the codes need to be updated because they were hastily drawn
up more than 3 years ago and have not been updated to reflect
changing conditions in Kosovo. Also, they fail to adequately
protect the privacy of children and crime victims.
The Constitutional
Framework provides for an Independent Media Commission
(IMC) and a Board of the Public Broadcaster
independent of the PISG. UNMIK worked with the PISG to establish
and IMC, laying the groundwork to transition the TMC to an
IMC and the establishment of a Board of Public Broadcasters.
However, the agreement establishing an IMC was not finalized
by year's end. In the interim, appointments to the TMC Media
Appeals Board continued. In 2002, the Kosovo Assembly announced
the formation of a "Committee on the Media"; however,
it was not yet active by year's end and had unclear responsibilities.
There were three associations of journalists in Kosovo, but
only one, the Association of Professional Journalists of
Kosovo, claimed Serbs among its members.
The TMC Media Appeals board received 27 complaints during
the year, and held 2 Media Hearing Board sessions. While
most print and broadcast media followed accepted journalistic
principles, there were some exceptions.
The TMC received no complaints of threats or attacks against
journalists; however, there was one reported case. On September
5, two journalists with Radio Television Kosovo engaged in
a conflict with KPS officers, resulting in lacerations to
the face of one of the officers. The journalists were not
injured and were released with their equipment after being
briefly detained. There was no official investigation; however,
the TMC concluded that the RTK journalists were unnecessarily
confrontational in their efforts to pursue a story.
On January 21, as a result of threats made against the daily
newspaper 24 Ore, the paper suspended operations. The daily
never restarted, although anecdotal evidence suggested that
this was due to financial problems.
UNMIK regulations prohibit the publication in both the print
and broadcast media of personal information that would pose
a threat to the life, property, or security of persons through
vigilante justice or otherwise; however, these regulations
were not used to stifle criticism of UNMIK, the PISG, or
political figures. Complaints of libel were addressed by
the TMC; however, the TMC expressed concern that libel should
not be included in the new Criminal Code; rather, defamation
law should be confined to the Civil Code.
In September,
the TMC publicly reprimanded the daily newspaper Bota Sot
for its failure to correct "baseless speculation" in
its coverage of the attack on Serb children at Gorazhdevac
(see Section 5). In another case, Bota Sot also revealed
the name of a father who assaulted his child, thereby indirectly
revealing the name of the child, despite laws protecting
minors in such circumstances. Bota Sot was fined twice during
the year, on March 6 for publishing an article against Peja
businessman Ekrem Lluka and Minseter Et'hem Ceku, and on
September 26, for publishing a misleading photograph and
related allegations regarding Baton Haxhiu, the head of the
Association of Professional Journalists of Kosovo. Despite
repeated requests over a period of 9 months, the newspaper
failed to publish a correction or apology for its misleading
information. The TMC, Robert Gillette, said in a statement
that he "remains very concerned about a pattern of behavior
by Bota Sot, in which the newspaper appears systematically
to attack representatives of civil society in Kosovo."
The Government did not restrict access to the Internet or
academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
UNMIK regulations provide for freedom of assembly; however,
UNMIK authorities occasionally limited this right based on
security concerns. No written permit was needed to hold a
demonstration; however, organizers were required to notify
UNMIK 48 hours in advance with the purpose, time, place,
route, and contact person for demonstrations for police coordination
purposes. UNMIK police estimated there were 70 demonstrations
involving 134,000 participants during the year. In granting
permits for organized demonstrations, regional UNMIK civilian
police chiefs made a determination based on the potential
for violence and the current security situation. The UNMIK
representative in Mitrovica banned the May 6 celebration
of the fourth anniversary of the death of KLA fighter Artim
Jashari in Mitrovica's House of Culture on the grounds that
the public venue could not be used for private and political
activities.
Civilian UNMIK police and KFOR units occasionally forcibly
dispersed demonstrations that became violent or otherwise
unmanageable. On May 7, KFOR soldiers used tear gas to disperse
protesters and clear the road to the Northern Kosovo village
of Suhodoll blocked by Serb protesters, who threw stones
at the KFOR soldiers. Within days, police arrested five persons
suspected of inciting the violence, but after brief detentions,
no charges were filed. In most instances, UNMIK and KFOR
authorities dispersed hostile protestors with minimal injuries;
police generally responded more appropriately than in previous
years.
UNMIK regulations provided for freedom of association, and
the Government generally respected this right in practice.
In its regulations governing definitions and registration
requirements for political parties and NGOs, UNMIK stated
that such regulations did not affect the right to association.
c. Freedom of Religion
The Constitutional Framework and UNMIK regulations provide
for freedom of religion, and UNMIK and PISG generally respected
this right in practice. Kosovo is a secular society with
no state religion. Religious groups were registered as NGOs.
The majority of the population was Muslim with significant
numbers of Serbian Orthodox and Roman Catholics. Ethnic tensions
between Kosovo's Albanian and Serb population remained the
basis of political conflict. Religion and ethnicity were
closely intertwined; the political identities of the ethnic
groups in Kosovo have been influenced by religion, and some
instances of ethnic discrimination or tension may have had
religious roots. Kosovo Serbs identified themselves with
the Serbian Orthodox Church, which defined not only their
religious but also their cultural, historical, and political
affiliation. Differences between Muslim and Catholic communities
tended to be overshadowed by their common ethnic Albanian
heritage. Although the political role of the clergy diminished
in favor of Kosovo Serb political parties and civil leaders,
significant parts of the Kosovo Albanian community continued
to view the Serbian Orthodox Church with hostility and suspicion.
During the year, the rate of violent crime involving Kosovo
Serbs increased slightly but remained low, punctuated by
a few dramatic acts such as the shooting of six youths swimming
in a river in Gorazdevac, Pec/Peje municipality, in August
(see Section 5). Two of these youths died as a result of
the injuries they sustained in the shooting. While some members
of the Kosovo Serb community presumed an ethnic or religious
motive, no perpetrator had been arrested by year's end.
Attacks on Serbian Orthodox churches and cemeteries during
the year continued; however, the frequency and seriousness
of the attacks diminished. No Orthodox churches were seriously
damaged or destroyed during the year. There were incidents
of vandalism at religious sites, including damage to the
Orthodox cemetery in Decani/Decan. Several Orthodox churches
were burglarized.
Security concerns restricted freedom of movement within
the Kosovo Serb community, which also affected their freedom
to worship (see Section 2.d.). Monks and nuns at some monasteries
were unable to use parts of monastery properties due to safety
concerns. Serb families with relatives living in both Kosovo
and Serbia were restricted by security concerns from traveling
to join their relatives for religious holidays or ceremonies,
including weddings and funerals. Bishop Artemije Radosavljevic,
head of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Kosovo, remained in
a monastery in the Kosovo Serb enclave of Gracanica rather
than return to the diocesan seat in Prizren. During the year,
UNMIK police and KFOR provided security to improve mobility,
and the OSCE reported some improvement in freedom of movement,
particularly in the eastern region.
KFOR removed static checkpoints from most churches and religious
sites during the year, relying instead on patrols by the
local KPS. In most cases, such changes in security measures
did not affect safety of or access to the religious sites,
although the head priest at the Pristina Orthodox Church
reported that the situation deteriorated and that there were
incidents of rock-throwing after the switch from static KFOR
checkpoints to mobile KPS patrols. On May 31, a hand grenade
was thrown at the KFOR checkpoint protecting the St. Czar
Uros Church in Ferizaj, southern Kosovo, injuring five people.
On December 12, a hand grenade was thrown into the Urosevac
St. Uros churchyard, slightly damaging a KFOR vehicle parked
outside of the church, but causing no injuries or damage
to the church.
Members of the small Protestant minority reported violence
and discrimination. Some Protestant leaders alleged mistreatment
by "Islamic fundamentalists," whom they claimed
attended Protestant services in order to identify participants
for later harassment. In May in Gjilan/Gnjilane, persons
badly beat a member of a Protestant Evangelical church
on his way home from church. Religious leaders claimed
that the police failed to conduct a proper investigation.
Protestants have also complained of vandalism of churches
and theft of church property. Despite a number of incidents,
including the break-in at the Evangelical Fellowship of
the Messiah on Christmas Eve, violence and property destruction
against Protestants decreased during the year; the KPS
was more responsive to complaints although no arrests were
made.
Members of the PISG and some political leaders reached out
to Serbian Orthodox officials and expressed a public commitment
to assist in the reconstruction of some damaged and destroyed
churches, such as the visit by Prime Minister Rexhepi and
PDK leader Hashim Thaqi to Zociste Monastery in 2002; however,
no action was taken to help reconstruct damaged churches
by year's end.
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2003 International
Religious Freedom Report.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
Applicable law provides for freedom of movement and no special
documents were required for internal movement; however, inter-ethnic
tensions and security concerns widely restricted freedom
of movement in practice. Kosovo Serbs, and to a lesser extent
other minority communities, found it difficult to move about
safely without an international security escort. While freedom
of movement increased in many areas during the year, freedom
of movement for Kosovo Serbs varied greatly depending on
location. In some areas, Kosovo Serbs moved about Albanian-majority
communities without incident; in others, they required a
KFOR or CIVPOL escort. On July 4, in Gorazdevac Village,
a 43-year-old Kosovo Serb man was stabbed during an attack;
police later arrested a 22-year-old Kosovo Albanian man for
the crime. Serb media reported on April 21 that unknown assailants
threw stones at a van belonging to Zvonko Dimitrijevic, a
Kosovo Serb, of Pasjane near Gnjilane on the Presevo-Gnjilane
road in the village of Mucibaba. The windows on the vehicle
were smashed but no one was injured. A convoy of buses returning
Serb children to their homes in Gorazdevac after a visit
to Belgrade was stoned on September 22 in the village of
Rudnik near Srbica, on the Kosovska Mitrovica-Pec road.
On a November
13 "go and see visit" to Musutiste
village, Suha Reka municipality, seven displaced Kosovo Serbs
encountered a group of 100 Kosovo Albanians demonstrating
against the visit. After an apparent grenade explosion, some
demonstrators threw rocks at a KFOR-escorted U.N. High Commission
for Refugees (UNHCR) vehicle, injuring one UNHCR staff member.
KFOR fired warning shots into the air, and an UNMIK Special
Police Unit and other police restored order. A similar incident
occurred on December 11, when 11 Serbs attempted to return
to Klina municipality, but were not allowed to do so by Albanian
residents; police intervened to disperse protestors, and
1 CIVPOL officer was injured.
In Mitrovica, there were restrictions on freedom of movement
for both Albanians and Serbs due to ethnically based harassment
(see Section 5). Ethnic Serbs stationed near the bridges
monitored those who crossed the Ibar River from south Mitrovica
into the northern part of the town. Some ethnic Albanians
reported harassment, but this monitoring activity was generally
less intense than in previous years. Since May 5, KFOR restricted
nonresidents from passing through the village of Suhodoll
i Eperm for security reasons, which caused dissatisfaction
among the Albanian population in the area. On May 28, UNMIK
police reported that in the Mitrovica North village of Gusevac,
approximately 150 to 200 people took part in a demonstration
to express their discontent over the alleged lack of freedom
of movement in the Sudhodoll area.
In order to improve freedom of movement by rendering Serb
and Albanian vehicles indistinguishable from each other,
UNMIK continued to offer Kosovo license plates to Kosovo
Serbs for no fee if they had already paid for vehicle registration
in Serbia. The Government of Serbia did not endorse the program
and did not sign the memorandum of understanding. Kosovo
Serbs reported that they did not feel secure traveling to
municipal centers to register for the program. Other minorities
asked that UNMIK issue them free Kosovo plates as well, but
their request was denied. On September 4, the deadline for
registering vehicles with Kosovo plates in Mitrovica north
and north Kosovo was postponed for the fourth time and had
not passed by year's end.
UNMIK provided identity cards and travel documents to those
whose citizen identification documents were confiscated during
the war. UNMIK regulations provide that the Central Civil
Registry may issue travel documents to any person registered
as a habitual resident of Kosovo. UNMIK issued approximately
1.3 million identity documents, 406,000 travel documents,
and 182,000 drivers licenses since 2000. Although there were
more than 103,000 minorities, including 71,000 Serbs, in
the civil registry, fewer than 1,000 (less than 1 percent)
applied for UNMIK travel documents. Twenty-nine countries
recognized UNMIK travel documents, primarily the European
Union, the U.S., and Balkan nations excluding Serbia, and
negotiations continued with Eastern European and Middle Eastern
countries, although no progress was made during the year.
SRSG issued individual travel letters in limited cases, but
such documents were not widely recognized. Kosovo Serbs often
qualified for and received Serbian identity and travel documents,
in addition to UNMIK-issued Kosovo identity documents. Many
Kosovo Albanians also obtained Serbian documents to enable
travel beyond the countries that recognized the UNMIK travel
documents.
UNMIK and the PISG did not restrict or otherwise prohibit
emigration, nor did they obstruct repatriation. Since Kosovo
did not have national status, revocation of citizenship was
not an issue.
While precise figures were unavailable, substantial numbers
of Kosovo Serbs and Roma fled Kosovo following the conflict.
Since 1999, just over 910,000 IDPs and refugees have returned
or been repatriated, mostly ethnic Albanians. Of the more
than 225,000 members of ethnic minority communities displaced
after June 1999 (including approximately 170,000 Kosovo Serbs
and 25,000 Roma), few had returned to Kosovo by year's end.
Nonetheless, minority departures from Kosovo decreased and
overall returns rose steadily during the year from 2,756
in 2002 to 3,629, an increase of approximately 30 percent.
However, much work remained to be done to ensure that these
returns were sustainable.
Efforts to promote refugee and IDP returns improved during
the year. International agencies and NGOs initiated small-scale
organized return projects and some small group organized
returns, such as 35 households to Belopolje village in Peja/Pec,
30 households to Suvi Lukavac, others to Novake in Prizren,
and Albanian returnees to Bitinje, a predominately Serb enclave
in Strpce.
Most of the Kosovo Serbs and Roma who fled when Yugoslav
forces withdrew had not returned by year's end. Their concerns
centered on physical safety, lack of freedom of movement,
property adjudication, and lack of employment opportunities.
Many IDPs and refugees outside Kosovo also lacked accurate
information on conditions in Kosovo and on the constitutional
framework or civil structure. Many Kosovo Serbs who were
previously employed in the public sector or in social enterprises
continued to receive at least a portion of their salaries
from the Government of Serbia and feared a return would put
these benefits and protections at risk.
On July 1, the leaders of major Kosovo Albanian and non-Serb
minority political parties published an open letter to IDPs
in Serbia, Montenegro, and Macedonia urging them to return
to Kosovo. This was followed on July 10 by Kosovo Assembly
approval of 10 recommendations to create an environment more
favorable to returns. Prominent Kosovo Albanian politicians,
including former KLA political leader, Hashim Thaci, began
to publicly voice support for minority returns. During the
year, there were also joint PISG-UNMIK visits to return sites,
such as the March 5 visit of Prime Minister Rexhepi and SRSG
Michael Steiner to the village of Srecka/Sredska, and the
July 10 visit of Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova to the town
of Urosevac/Ferizaj. In September, the PISG agreed to allocate
$8.75 million (7 million euros) from the Kosovo Consolidated
Budget surplus to projects that support the return of IDPs.
The prospect for returns varied considerably according to
region and among different ethnic groups. Ability to speak
the language of the majority community as well as the level
of contact between IDPs and their neighbors prior to the
conflict greatly affected the returnees' chances for reintegration.
In general, interaction at the grassroots level between different
communities increased during the year. Although this has
helped to build inter-ethnic tolerance, it did not necessarily
lead to a reconciliation process or acceptance of returns.
Although some progress was made, Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptian
returns continued to be limited and many Roma returnees were
dependent on humanitarian aid.
UNMIK, UNHCR, and the international community continued
a minority stabilization program to address some of the assistance
needs of prospective returnees. On March 3, UNHCR announced
that it had allocated $6.25 million (5 million euros) for
the return of IDPs. In addition, many NGOs and governments
provided assistance in resettlement and repatriation efforts.
The UNMIK Office of Returns and Communities (ORC), UNDP,
and UNHCR established the Rapid Response Returns Facility
(RRRF) during the year to provide a rapid, flexible, and
coordinated response for small-scale individual returns
of minority displaced persons to their place of origin
in Kosovo. This fund partially addressed the needs of approximately
130 returnee families to Kosovo during the year. The RRRF
provides housing repair and reconstruction and socio-economic
assistance. The UNHCR minority returns statistics indicated
that 9,744 persons from nonmajority ethnic communities
have returned since 2000; UNHCR estimated that 4,958 of
these returnees were ethnic Serbs and that 4,786 came from
other minority groups.
The law does not provide for the granting of refugee status
or asylum to persons who meet the definition in the 1951
U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its
1967 Protocol; however, UNMIK provided protection against
refoulment and granted individuals status as "persons
with temporary protection in Kosovo." Of the 12,000
individuals who arrived in Kosovo in 2001, 1,400 persons
with temporary protection remained in Kosovo at year's end.
UNMIK cooperated with the office of the UNHCR and other humanitarian
organizations in assisting this caseload.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
Kosovo continued
to be administered under the civil authority of UNMIK,
but as noted in UNSC Resolution 1244, UNMIK seeks
to provide "substantial autonomy and meaningful self-administration" for
the persons of Kosovo. Since the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces
in 1999, a series of elections have yielded locally elected
leadership; however, Kosovo's leaders criticized UNMIK for
the slow pace of transfer of powers to the PISG institutions.
The capacity of local institutions to undertake additional
administrative responsibilities slowed the process; nonetheless,
UNMIK completed the formal transfer of all nonreserved competencies
to local institutions on December 31 and announced plans
to fully implement this transfer in 2004.
Despite difficulties
due to Yugoslav "identity cleansing" (see
Section 2.d.), UNMIK and OSCE registered 1.3 million voters
for the October 2002 municipal elections; the elections attracted
participation by all ethnic communities, although Serb participation
varied significantly by municipality, with a near-boycott
in north Mitrovica. International and domestic observers
determined that the 2002 municipal elections were well-organized,
efficient, and generally met international standards. Of
the 68 political entities that participated in the elections,
40 won at least one local assembly seat. Only residents of
Kosovo and those who lived abroad at the time of the election,
but who were residents of Kosovo on January 1, 1998, are
eligible to vote, a requirement that excluded most of the
Kosovo Albanian diaspora community abroad but included most
of the Kosovo Serb IDPs who left during the war.
The November 2001 general election led to the establishment
in March 2002 of the 120-member Kosovo Central Assembly,
which elected Ibrahim Rugova as President of Kosovo, approved
Bajram Rexhepi as Prime Minister, and appointed 10 ministers
in the PISG.
Kosovo has a multi-party system with three dominate mono-ethnic
Albanian parties and several minority parties and coalitions.
The Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) led by Ibrahim Rugova
continued to be the most popular political party in Kosovo,
garnering more than 45 percent of total votes cast in all
three elections since 2001, and gaining control of 18 municipalities,
but falling short of the majority required to form the central
government on its own.
The other leading
parties are the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), led by
Hashim Thaci, the Serb Coalition "Povratak" (Return),
led by caucus head Dragisa Krstovic, and the Alliance for
the Future of Kosovo (AAK), led by Ramush Haradinaj. All
major parties and many of the smaller parties have youth
wings.
There are 30 municipalities in Kosovo. Depending on the
size of the municipality, 17 to 51 Municipal Assembly members
were elected for 4-year terms through a proportional system
with closed lists. Each municipality elected its President
(Mayor) and a Deputy President, with a second Deputy President
required in the event of a large minority community in that
municipality. Each Municipal Assembly is obliged to establish
three Assembly committees: Policy and Finance, Communities,
and Mediation, while the establishment of other committees
is left to the discretion of each Municipal Assembly. Each
municipality had a professional CEO and Board of Directors
proposed to the Assembly by the President; depending on the
size of municipalities the Board of Directors varied. Relations
between municipal governments and central structures were
disorganized due in part to the division of powers in the
central structures between UNMIK and the PISG. The Ministry
of Public Services primarily dealt with the municipal issues,
while UNMIK had a Municipal Representative and staff in each
municipality, and a Regional Representative each in the five
UNMIK/KFOR-established regions.
There were a number of reports of attacks on and threats
against Kosovo Albanian political figures. Bota Sot reported
that some unidentified gangs appeared in the village of Kodrali,
Decan municipality, and harassed several LDK supporters.
UNMIK police reported a telephone threat against President
Rugova warning him that his life would be in danger if he
attended an April 12 event in Peja. The media reported on
May 13 that Pristina Mayor Ismet Beqiri received a threatening
letter claiming to be from the AKSh similar to the one Member
of Parliament Fatmir Rexhepi (LDK) received a few days before.
On September 26, a former Armed Forces of Republic of Kosovo
(FARK) commander and one of the witnesses of last year's
trial against the so-called Dukagjini Group of high profile
former KLA members, survived a bomb attack on his vehicle
in Peje, the third attempt on his life. In most cases, no
suspects were identified; however, local observers often
blamed these attacks on rival political party members. Nonpolitical
motives, including clan rivalry and common criminality, were
also suspected in some cases.
In 2002, the OSCE set up the Elections Working Group (EWG)
to reform the electoral system, including the local Central
Election Commission, in preparation for the 2004 Kosovo Assembly
elections. At year's end, the EWG was working to submit to
the SRSG a list of recommendations for implementation as
an UNMIK regulation. Many Kosovars would prefer election
reform through an Assembly law, but an Assembly proposal
directing the Kosovo Government to draft an elections law
was declared by the SRSG to have overstepped the Assembly's
authority. Kosovo Serbs and other minority communities participated
in the election reform process through representatives on
the EWG.
In order to address
concerns raised by PISG leaders about the slow pace of
the transfer of powers to local institutions,
the SRSG created the joint UNMIK-PISG Council for the Transfer
of Competencies. At its first meeting in April, the Council
determined those powers transferable to the PISG under the
Constitutional Framework, and in May the Council identified
certain competencies that were "immediately transferable" and
others that warranted further consideration. After some difficulties,
UNMIK announced in December that the transfer of all nonreserved
competencies to local institutions would take effect as of
the beginning of 2004.
No legal restrictions existed on participation by ethnic
minorities in government and politics. There were 34 women
in the 120-seat Assembly. One woman (an ethnic Turk) served
on the eight-member Assembly Presidency and another woman
(also an ethnic Turk) served in Prime Minister Rexhepi's
Cabinet. In response to previous elections when women resigned
their seats post-election, since 2001 UNMIK has required
that any seat vacated by a woman be filled by a female replacement.
Following the 2002 election, women represented 28 percent
of the elected municipal representatives. An effort by women
parliamentarians to create a women's caucus was not successful;
however, a Committee on Gender Equality held regular meetings
during the year.
There were 35 ethnic minority members in the 120-seat Assembly,
including 22 Serbs (10 serving in reserved seats, the remainder
elected at large). There were two ethnic minority PISG ministers
(one Serb, one Turk), one Serb inter-ministerial coordinator
with the rank of minister, and two Serb members and one Turkish
member of the Assembly Presidency. While ethnic minorities
were underrepresented at the municipal level in some parts
of Kosovo, the Constitutional Framework requires that the
Assembly include 10 reserved seats for Serbs and 10 for members
of other minorities.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International
and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of
Human Rights
A wide variety of domestic and international human rights
groups generally operated without restriction, investigating
and publishing findings on human rights cases. UNMIK was
generally cooperative and responsive to their views. UNMIK
and the OSCE continued to encourage the development of civil
society, including local NGOs.
In accordance with UNMIK resolutions, UNMIK has registered
more than 2,300 NGOs, including approximately 1,900 domestic
and 390 international NGOs. While these figures were just
higher than the number registered in 2002, the overall number
of applications for registration declined. An increase in
the number of local NGOs compensated for the international
NGOs that left or localized their programs. UNMIK also suspended
the Public Benefit Status (tax exemption) of 145 NGOs, largely
due to their failure to provide annual reports, including
financial information.
NGO efforts included assistance to hundreds of thousands
of returning refugees, support for the search for the missing,
and social services to ameliorate the effects of post-war
trauma (see Sections 1.b. and 2.d.). The International Organization
for Migration (IOM) coordinated training and projects for
the KPC, often in collaboration with NGOs. Human rights observers,
including those of the OSCE and some local NGOs, were active
in documenting ethnically or politically motivated killings,
disappearances, attacks, and incidents of intimidation (see
Sections 1.a., 1.b., and 1.c.). UNSC Resolution 1244 gave
the OSCE the mandate for human rights monitoring.
UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally cooperated with the ICTY
regarding crimes committed during the 1998-99 conflict.
On February 17, KFOR detained Haradin Bala ("Shala"),
Isak Musliu ("Qerqiz"), and Agim Murtezi ("Murrizi"),
who were under indictment for war crimes by the ICTY. Agim
Murtezi was later released by the ICTY, as he was arrested
as a result of a mistaken identity. Fatmir Limaj, PDK caucus
leader, was arrested in Slovenia as part of the same case
and handed over to the ICTY. The ICTY announced its intention
to issue two more war crimes indictments of Kosovo Albanians;
however, it had not done so by year's end. These were the
only such operations conducted by KFOR following the ICTY's
indictments of individuals residing in Kosovo. In addition
to the Limaj group trial, which was still in the investigative
stage, the only other case before the ICTY was the continuing
trial of Slobodan Milosevic for war crimes and crimes against
humanity committed in Kosovo, Bosnia, and Croatia during
the wars in the 1990s.
The OI continued to investigate allegations of government
abuses of international human rights laws. The OI was generally
respected within UNMIK, had a multi-ethnic staff, and was
active in issuing reports and recommendations; however, the
OI alleged that its recommendations were rarely followed
by UNMIK or KFOR. During the year, the OI registered 1,187
complaints, plus 30 cases initiated by the OI. Of these,
121 (about 10 percent) were made by Kosovo Serbs, and 22
by other ethnic minorities. UNMIK was most frequently listed
as the respondent party, followed by the Housing and Property
Directorate, the PISG, and KFOR.
The OI had no authority to intervene in cases against KFOR,
and UNMIK extended broad immunities to its employees. Since
2001, the OI has maintained that Regulation 2000/47 on UNMIK
and KFOR Status, Privileges, and Immunities was in violation
of internationally recognized human rights. Nonetheless,
the OI exercised an important advisory role both in individual
cases and through special reports and general opinions. COMKFOR
agreed to work closely with the OI and stated that KFOR would
not make any illegal arrests.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Disability,
Language, or Social Status
UNMIK regulations specifically prohibit discrimination on
the basis of gender, race, or ethnic origin; however, violence
and discrimination against women, persons with disabilities,
and ethnic minorities persisted.
Women
Violence against women, including rape and a high level
of domestic violence, remained a serious and persistent problem.
The Center for Protection of Women and Children (CPWC), a
local NGO, estimated that it received approximately 5,400
requests for assistance from victims of violence during the
year. Domestic violence is illegal, and applicable penalties
include incarceration for periods of 6 months to 5 years.
In May, UNMIK passed a regulation on Protection Against Domestic
Violence which prohibits all kinds of threats and acts of
domestic violence, while setting up conditions for victim's
protection, such as a prohibition on the approaching distance
to the victim, and the legislation and procedure on the regular
and emergency court protection orders. The regulation also
deals with the authority in charge of implementing the protection
order and its responsibilities, including arrests, while
setting up protection order violation limits of fines from
$250 to $2,500 (200 to 2,000 euros) or imprisonment of up
to 6 months. This change in the law led to several successful
court cases and resulted in court-ordered protection for
several families at risk of domestic violence. Formal complaints
to authorities alleging domestic violence increased significantly
during the year, as did prosecutions. However, due to the
traditionally male-dominated society, domestic abuse of women
was not uncommon, and few victims of spousal abuse filed
complaints with the authorities. The KPS School included
special training segments on domestic violence and rape in
its curriculum.
Rape was underreported significantly due to the cultural
stigma attached to victims and their families. Spousal rape
was not specifically addressed by law. Tradition generally
prevented discussion of the topic of rape among ethnic Albanians,
since, in some communities, the act is seen as dishonorable
to the entire family. During the year, police registered
82 cases of rape and 45 cases of sexual assault, representing
an increase in the number of reported cases in 2002.
The law prohibits prostitution; it is a misdemeanor subject
to a 30-day sentence. Prostitutes who were not trafficking
victims were released with a warning it if was their first
contact with the police.
Kosovo served increasingly as a transit point and destination
for trafficking in women for the purpose of prostitution
(see Section 6.f.).
There were no governmental agencies dedicated to dealing
with family violence; however, there were four shelters to
assist victims of domestic violence and trafficking, two
were run by local NGOS and two were run by international
NGOs (see Section 6.f.). Several domestic and international
NGOs pursued activities to assist women; however, they were
constrained by a tradition of silence about domestic violence,
sexual abuse, and rape.
Women have the same legal rights as men, but traditionally
not the same social status, which affected their treatment
within the legal system. On October 23, the Kosovo Assembly
approved in principle a law of gender equality, which was
the first law initiated by an Assembly committee, the Committee
on Gender Affairs, rather than by the Government.
UNMIK's Office of Gender Affairs coordinated gender issues
throughout all UNMIK offices. It appointed Municipal Gender
Officers (MGOs) in each municipality to act as public advisors
on gender affairs; 26 of the MGOs were Albanian and four
were Serbs. Gender focal points, individuals appointed to
coordinate among ministries on gender issues, were also established
in six ministries, while the process was underway for the
rest. There was also an office of gender issues in the Office
of the Prime Minister.
Relatively few women obtained upper-level management positions
in commerce or government, although there was no legal restriction
on their doing so. There was no specific law against sexual
harassment. Traditional patriarchal ideas of gender roles
continued to subject women to discrimination. In some rural
areas, women often had little effective ability to make decisions
involving their children or to exercise control over property.
While women and men legally have equal rights to inherit
property, family property customarily passes only to men.
Albanian widows, particularly in rural areas, risked losing
custody of their children due to a custom requiring children
and property to pass to the deceased father's family, while
the widow returns to her birth family.
The presence of international organizations made many jobs
available to women. UNMIK police and the OSCE continued an
aggressive campaign to recruit women for the KPS, in which
they made up about 15 percent. Approximately 210 out of 3,000
active duty KPC members were women (7 percent). Women were
increasingly active in politics. Several women also served
as heads of domestic NGOs. Nonetheless, while more women
than before had jobs, very few had risen to senior levels.
Few women occupied decision-making positions in the KPS or
other government organizations. Unemployment, estimated at
60 percent, was higher for women; approximately 70 percent
of women in Kosovo were registered as unemployed.
Children
UNMIK and the PISG were generally committed to the welfare
and rights of children. The Ministry of Education, Science,
and Technology and the Ministry of Health shared responsibility
for issues related to children's education and health; however,
there was no one in the government who dealt specifically
with the issue of children's rights and no juvenile justice
code.
UNMIK regulations made enrollment in public school mandatory
for children between the ages of 6 and 15, with some exceptions.
The regulation made no provision for a waiver of school attendance
based on safety concerns; however, authorities did not enforce
it where there were ethnically based security concerns. Primary
education was compulsory, free, and universal. The vast majority
of school-aged children under 15 attended school. Forty-six
percent of children attended the nonobligatory secondary
school, 43 percent of whom were female. There was no difference
in the treatment between girls and boys. UNMIK regulations
require equal conditions for school children of all communities
and accommodated minority populations by providing the right
to native-language public education through the secondary
level. Schools teaching Serbian, Bosnian, and Turkish languages
operated during the year. On May 5, the law on higher (university)
education was promulgated by the SRSG. This law also licensed
the Serb-run North Mitrovica University, and provided funding
from the SRSG reserved portion of the Kosovo Consolidated
Budget, together with financing from Serbia.
Extensive damage to many school buildings, a lack of educational
materials, and persistent electrical power outages continued
to hinder the full functioning of the education system; however,
there have been improvements in infrastructure during the
year. NGOs shifted their focus to promote training of pre-school
and primary school teachers and the inclusion of children
with special needs. By year's end, there were separate classrooms
for children with disabilities in every municipality. A lack
of freedom of movement and reluctance to depart from a Belgrade-based
curriculum led Kosovo Serb children to attend neighborhood
schools that were sometimes housed in inadequate facilities
and lacked basic equipment. Enrollment for both Serb and
Albanian children at the primary level was almost universal;
however, at the secondary level, there was a marked gender
and ethnic disparity, with lower rates of attendance and
completion for Kosovo Albanian girls than for Kosovo Albanian
boys or girls from the Kosovo Serb community. In rural areas,
lack of transportation led families to prioritize sending
boys to school.
Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptian children attended mixed schools
with ethnic Albanian children but reportedly faced intimidation
in some majority Albanian areas. Roma children tended to
be disadvantaged by their community's poverty, leading
many to start work at an early age to contribute to the
family income. Bosniak children were able to obtain some
primary education in their own language, but faced a lack
of trained Bosniak teachers. The Ministry of Education
continued a catch-up program for minority children, primarily
Roma-Ashkali-Egyptians, who often missed schooling due
to frequent moves associated with the conflict. The Ministry
also provided an expedited registration process for displaced
minority children at the secondary level and at the higher
education level.
There was a report that, in September, recently-returned
Albanian IDP children were not allowed access to the Strpce
village of Biti local school because of their ethnicity;
however, this was later resolved within the municipality.
Economic problems and the aftermath of the conflict also
affected the health care system, with adverse consequences
for children, particularly minority children. Humanitarian
aid officials primarily blamed the high rate of infant and
childhood mortality, as well as increasing epidemics of preventable
diseases, on poverty that led to malnutrition, poor hygiene,
and the deterioration of public sanitation. Observers believed
that the high levels of air and water pollution, as well
as the environmental effects of the uncontrolled release
of toxic substances, including lead and other chemicals at
the Trepca industrial complex, contributed to poor health
conditions.
There were reports of child abuse, although it was not widespread.
According to the Education Center, in Albanian speaking areas
there was more abuse of children in the schools than in the
family, while in the Serb areas there was more child abuse
in the family than in school.
The OSCE issued a report during the year on the Centers
for Social Work (CSW), which has offices in every municipality
supervised by the PISG Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare.
The report discussed 38 cases involving child victims of
crime, 14 cases involving victims of sexual violence, 7 cases
of victims of trafficking, 8 cases of abandonment, and 9
cases of educational neglect. For example, four girls aged
12 to 16 and a 2-year-old boy were living without adult care
in an abandoned house in Prizren where men from the neighborhood
visited the house and allegedly raped one of the girls; the
CSW eventually appointed a caretaker who lacked adequate
training.
High unemployment and family dislocation after the conflict
resulted in a higher rate of child abandonment. Since the
domestic adoption rate and foster family programs did not
keep pace with the rate of abandonment, infants and children
were often housed in group homes with few caretakers. Children
with disabilities were often hidden away without proper care,
particularly in rural areas.
Children were trafficked to and through Kosovo for the purpose
of prostitution (see Section 6.f.). There was also one case
of a UNMIK CIVPOL officer who was arrested along with three
Kosovo residents for suspected involvement in a child trafficking
and prostitution ring.
NGOs began to focus more on developing awareness of children's
rights and training of social workers, such as Save the Children,
which trained municipal level children's rights coordinators.
NGOs reported that television programming for children, rare
in 2002, was common, and media reporting on children's issues
increased dramatically.
Persons with Disabilities
There is no comprehensive law that specifically prohibits
discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment,
education, or in the provision of state services, and there
was considerable discrimination in these areas in practice.
However, some laws addressed aspects of disability issues,
such as a law on pensions for persons with disabilities over
the age of 18, and on education that provides separate classrooms
for persons with disabilities. High unemployment placed particular
burdens on job seekers with disabilities, and UNMIK and the
PISG offered no direct services for persons with disabilities.
The law mandates access to official buildings; however, it
was not enforced in practice. There were specially marked
parking spaces for persons with disabilities, but there was
no law preventing others from using them. Progress was made
in the area of education for persons with disabilities during
the year; there were separate classrooms available in every
school for those children whose disabilities required separate
facilities, as well as joint classes for children with special
needs to involve students with disabilities in regular classroom
activities where possible, and 800 children with special
needs used this resource during the year.
In the absence of UNMIK and PISG social services for persons
with disabilities, the local NGO Handikos was the only provider
of extensive services for persons with physical disabilities
in Kosovo; however, Handikos had no presence in the Serb-dominated
northern municipalities or Novo Brdo, so most minority communities
completely lacked services for persons with disabilities.
Consistent with the generally low level of medical care
in Kosovo, specialist healthcare for persons with disabilities
was not widely available and, for most persons, prohibitively
expensive.
There was a complete lack of social understanding about
persons with disabilities, and there were no social welfare
provisions for the estimated 14,000 persons with mental disabilities
in Kosovo. The guardianship law in place did not meet international
standards and there was no expertise on the issue of disability
rights. For instance, the law does not recognize the placement
of individuals in institutions and the treatment against
their will (involuntary treatment) as two different legal
issues. The law also makes no provision for social welfare
assistance for persons on the basis of mental disability.
There were dedicated mental health facilities in Kosovo,
including Shtimje, the home for the aged in Pristina, and
two facilities for children, one in Shtimje and another in
Pristina. The World Health Organization established Community
Mental Health Programs in each municipality, but their coverage
was inadequate. Kosovo generally lacked mental health facilities
with adequate capacity and services. There were psychology
wards in hospitals such as in Pristina, which had a capacity
of 56, but the conditions were far below acceptable standards
for long-term mental healthcare.
The NGO Mental Disability Rights International (MDRI) has
been active in promoting rights for persons with mental disabilities
following its August 2002 report which found extensive and
credible evidence of neglect, physical violence, sexual assault,
and arbitrary detention at the main mental health care facilities.
Staff and patients at the Shtimje Institute, the Pristina
Elderly Home, and the Pristina University Hospital, reportedly
committed these crimes, and criminal investigations were
underway at year's end. The programs were a product of policies
established by UNMIK; however, UNMIK has largely transferred
responsibilities on persons with disabilities to local personnel.
In response to
MDRI's report, UNMIK established "Boards
of Visitors" to provide oversight of conditions and
secure funding to build group homes for persons with disabilities.
UNMIK spent approximately $2.5 million (2 million euros)
during the year to rebuild the Shtimje institution. On July
17, MDRI issued a 1-year follow-on report alleging that,
despite improvements in facilities, UNMIK failed to protect
patients' rights and create safe alternatives to institutional
care in the community, which UNMIK strongly denied. MDRI
reported that resources went almost exclusively to facility
improvements rather than to improvement in services and treatment
for persons with mental disabilities, which remained inadequate.
For instance, Shtimje's 199 residents filled the facility
well above its target capacity of 100 residents. Medical
staff were not trained to deal with persons with mental disabilities
and were insensitive to the special needs of women who had
experienced sexual violence or other trauma. MDRI alleged
that patients were detained with no legal basis, as no regulation
was promulgated by UNMIK to regulate the process of commitment
to psychiatric or social care facilities or to protect rights
within institutions.
UNMIK lacked a plan for adequate community-support services
to allow for integration into the community. In the absence
of a community support system, persons with mental disabilities
invariably ended up in the criminal justice system, often
due to petty crimes, ignorance on the part of police, or
inadequate facilities. On occasion, individuals in need of
mental health treatment were convicted of fabricated or petty
crimes and ended up in the prison system, which lacked resources
for adequate treatment; however, MDRI trained some KPS officers
to help prevent this. Additionally, despite documented abuses,
no one in Kosovo has been punished for mistreatment of persons
with mental disabilities.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
Although the high level of revenge-based violence that followed
Yugoslavia's 1999 withdrawal continued to decline significantly,
violence and crime continued to affect minorities. There
were killings, kidnappings, and assaults committed against
Kosovo Serbs, Roma, and other minorities, and property crimes
such as arson continued to occur. Overall the level of violent
crime remained about the same as in 2002. There were 72 killings
during the year, up slightly from 70 in 2002 (see Section
1.a.). Of these, 17 involved victims from minority communities
(24 percent). There were 13 killings of ethnic Serbs during
the year, 7 of which were widely believed to be ethnically
motivated. Increased violence, particularly during the summer,
may have been politically motivated, as evidenced by its
correlation with an increase in political activity. The high-profile
violent crimes against Serbs were allegedly ethnically motivated,
but there was no clear evidence to confirm this because no
one was convicted by year's end. Kosovo Serbs and Roma continued
to report that they were afraid to leave their enclaves due
to fear of intimidation and attack by ethnic Albanians (see
Section 2.d.).
On May 17, one Serb, Zoran Mikic, was killed in Vrbovc village
of Viti, while another that had gone missing on May 12
was found dead in Gazivode of Zubin Potok municipality.
On June 3, a Serb family of three in Obilic was brutally
killed, including the 80-year-old Slobodan Stolic, his
wife, and son. On August 13, two Serb youths were killed
and four wounded by automatic rifle fire while swimming
in a river in Gorazdevac. On August 26, a Serb farmer was
shot in the stomach by a sniper in Bica, but survived.
On August 31, a grenade attack on a shop in Cernica killed
one and injured four. No suspects had been arrested in
any of these cases, causing considerable concern within
the Serb community. On November 16, Viti/Vitina police
station was informed of a dead body of a 21-year-old Kosovo
Serb male, found in the fields near Kllokot village, with
a single gunshot wound. Police arrested two Kosovo Serb
male suspects who had a land ownership dispute with the
victim, but they were later released; the case remained
unsolved at year's end.
There were several instances of Serb violence against Kosovo
Albanians, but no reported fatalities. On February 12, a
group of Serbs from Zubin Potok physically attacked a five-member
Albanian family traveling to the Albanian enclave of Caber.
On May 4, 62-year-old Albanian Shaip Zhilivoda was beaten
by a group of Serbs in North Mitrovica, sustaining serious
injuries that left him in a coma for several days; UNMIK
police arrested a Serb in connection with this case. On March
3, unknown persons threw a grenade into an Albanian/Bosniak
enclave in northern Mitrovica. On April 9, several Serbs
threw stones at Bekim Shala, an Albanian, in the Serb enclave
of Gorazhdec/Gorazdevac, in Peje/Pec municipality, causing
serious injuries. There were several instances of apparent
retaliation for the August 13 Gorazdec killings. For 4 days
in a row ending on August 18, Albanian neighborhoods in Mitrovica
north were the targets of grenade attacks. On August 17,
a group of Serbs from Gracanica beat five Albanians, including
two children, who were traveling to Gjilan. On August 20,
Ramadan Krasniqi was ambushed while driving through the Serb-inhabited
village of Raniluk, on Gjilan-Kamenica road, but he escaped
unharmed. On September 9, Albanian inhabitants of the northern
Mitrovica neighborhood Kodra e Minatoreve complained that
Serb "bridgewatchers" were guarding the entrance
to their zone under the pretext of protecting Serb homes,
while impeding access for Albanians to the local medical
clinic and school. In November, five Serbs assaulted the
family of Bedri Beka in Mitrovica north while they slept,
attacked Beka several times, and threw an explosive device
at his house; CIVPOL identified those involved and arrested
one suspect.
On December 6, 150 demonstrators surrounded a lunch meeting
in north Mitrovica between a delegation of World Bank officials
and Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi. The crowd threw
stones at the restaurant, damaging the windows. The Prime
Minister fled and was not injured, but one member of the
international delegation suffered minor injuries.
Members of non-Serb minority communities, including Bosniaks,
Egyptians, Ashkali, Gorani, and some Roma, reported that
their security situation improved during the year, although
incidents of violence and harassment continued to occur and
their freedom of movement was restricted in some areas (see
Section 2.d.). On July 20, a hand grenade exploded in the
garden of an Ashkali family. The head of the family claimed
that this was the ninth time his family had been attacked.
Bosniak leaders continued to complain that thousands of their
community members had left because of discrimination and
a lack of economic opportunity.
Civilians were
responsible for the destruction, often through arson, of
private property. There were 524 cases of arson
recorded during the year, up from 489 cases in 2002. Police
believed that 26 of these arsons were ethnically motivated.
The reported phenomenon of "strategic sales" of
property persisted and grew; violence, intimidation, and
attractive price offers were used to convince Kosovo Serbs
to sell properties at key locations, leading to the erosion
of Kosovo Serb neighborhoods and a consequent increase in
isolation of those remaining. Property disputes and illegal
occupation of homes continued to be a source of inter-ethnic
friction (see Section 1.e.). These disputes were rooted in
the forced migration and displacement resulting from the
1999 conflict. Kosovo Serbs and Roma live primarily in enclaves,
except for the Kosovo Serbs in the north of Kosovo, where
Serbs and Albanians partitioned Mitrovica. Serbs lived largely
in the northern Kosovo municipalities of Leposaviq/Leposavic,
Zubin Potok, and Zvecan, in the northern part of Mitrovica,
and in scattered enclaves under KFOR protection elsewhere.
KFOR and police provided security to these enclaves, and
escorts for those travel, but began to scale back their patrols
and escorts.
In Mitrovica,
ethnic Serbs and Albanians harassed each other and restricted
freedom of movement (see Section 2.d.). Many
Kosovo Albanians in South Mitrovica wanted to return to their
homes in north Mitrovica, and approximately 1,500 Kosovo
Albanians who lived in the northern section of town were
subjected to repeated harassment. In predominately ethnic
Albanian south Mitrovica, Kosovo Albanians illegally occupied
Serb-owned properties. After UNMIK extended its authority
to north Mitrovica last year, the Government of Serbia established
a branch office of the Kosovo Coordination Centers (CCK),
where Kosovo Serbs from the city could apply for Yugoslav
documents processed in Serbia. While there remained concern
over other "parallel structures" in the area, including
the Serb Ministry of Health-funded North Mitrovica Hospital,
many of the employees of the former Serbian-funded municipal
administration were employed by UNMIK. After Kosovo Serbs
in north Mitrovica largely boycotted the 2002 municipal elections,
UNMIK appointed a multi-ethnic Advisory Board for north Mitrovica
to represent residents of the northern sector of the municipality.
Despite some improvement over previous years, ethnic minorities,
particularly Serbs, suffered from widespread social discrimination,
particularly in employment, education, and health services.
Physical security and freedom of movement continued to be
serious concerns for Kosovo Serbs, as evidenced by the continuing
residence of the vast majority of Kosovo Serbs in enclaves.
Kosovo Serbs also experienced social discrimination in education
and health care, but these services continue to be supplemented
by funding from Serbia through the CCK and parallel institutions,
such as the hospital in North Mitrovica. Minority membership
in the KPC continued to be a problem (see Section 1.d.).
The Turkish community was more closely integrated with Kosovo
Albanians and felt the impact of social discrimination less
than other minorities. Roma were heavily dependent on humanitarian
aid. Although there were some successful efforts to resettle
Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians in their prior homes, security
concerns persisted (see Section 2.d.).
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
UNMIK regulation provides for fundamental rights at work,
including the employment relationship, terms of employment,
and the right to form and belong to unions and other organizations
without employer interference, but no explicit right of association,
and workers exercised these rights in practice. Anti-union
discrimination is prohibited and did not occur in practice.
The Confederation of Independent Trade Unions of Kosovo (BSPK),
the largest of the few unions active in Kosovo, reported
that the regulation was respected by only a small number
of firms. They claimed that worker rights were abused in
every sector, including the international organizations,
where staff did not have access to security insurance or
pensions. The PISG Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare has
responsibility for policy recommendations on labor practices
and worker rights.
After the war, labor organizations redirected their focus
from members' welfare to traditional labor issues. The dominant
union organization, BSPK, was founded in 1990 and its membership
reached a high point of about 260,000 members in the mid-1990s.
During the year, it had 16 active branches and 4 with observer
status. BSPK's membership was approximately 100,600 persons,
of whom half were unemployed. BSPK's president sat on the
board of the Kosovo Trust Agency, which managed the privatization
process, and a BSPK member sat on each committee in the Kosovo
Assembly. BSPK continued to work with international entities,
including the International Labor Organization (ILO), gained
full membership to the International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions, and observer status to the European Trade Union
Confederation. BSPK had good access to state owned enterprises,
but not to private enterprises, so labor rights tended to
be limited in private firms. BSPK had a branch for small
enterprises and artisans, but it represented owners rather
than employees. Another active trade union organization was
the Union of Education, Science, and Culture of Kosovo, which
was registered as an NGO.
Although legislation expressly permits international affiliations
and there were no legal impediments to their activities,
in practice, a lack of international travel and exchange
constrained the ability of unions to affiliate internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
UNMIK regulation provides for the right to organize and
bargain collectively; however, collective bargaining rarely
took place. Trade unions tended to focus on the needs of
specific groups, rather than the collective needs of all
workers. Workers in various sectors were ineffective at finding
common interests for which to negotiate, such as job security,
minimum safety standards, and universal benefits. The weak
economy and high unemployment rate limited the leverage of
labor organizations.
The law does not recognize the right to strike; however,
strikes were not prohibited. BSPK believed the right to
strike was recognized indirectly when it forwarded its
statutes for registration, which contain this right. Nothing
in the law addresses labor disputes; however, in 2001,
UNMIK, the BSPK, and the Chamber of Commerce concluded
a Tripartite Agreement, which BSPK reported was functioning
well to help resolve labor disputes.
Workers engaged in strikes and protests, some on a large
scale, which tended to be directed against the Government
and state-owned enterprises rather than private enterprises.
In September, teachers throughout Kosovo held strikes that
corresponded with the start of the school year. BSPK called
upon teachers to avoid strikes, as did its subsidiary Trade
Unions of Primary and Secondary schools in Kosovo, but the
SBASHK supported the strikes. Parallel to the teachers, strikes
were also organized by more than 700 Trepca miners, demanding
employment, and pensioners, who demanded restoration of their
status and payment of pensions owed by Serbia. The strikes
were resolved through meetings with the Government, which
agreed to increase wages for education and heath staff by
20 percent immediately and 5 percent starting in 2004, granted
immediate assistance to the miners of $187,500 (150,000 euros),
and included miners over 50 years of age, as opposed to 65,
in the pensions scheme. There were several other smaller-scale
strikes and protests, including an August rally by hundreds
of police officers and administrative workers who were dismissed
by force during 1987-89.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Bonded Labor
The law prohibits forced or bonded labor, including by children;
however, there were reports that such practices occurred
(see Sections 6.d. and 6.f).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment
The pre-1989 labor laws set the minimum age for employment
at age 16 and age 18 for any work likely to jeopardize the
health, safety or morals of a young person, but permit children
to work at age 15 provided such work is not harmful to the
child nor prejudicial to school attendance. In villages and
farming communities, younger children typically worked to
assist their families. Urban children often worked in a variety
of unofficial retail jobs, typically washing car windows
or selling newspapers, cigarettes and phone cards on the
street; some also engaged in physical labor, such as transporting
goods. The number of these children working on the streets
rose sharply since 1999, when rural families resettled to
cities in large numbers after the war. According to one study,
almost half of the children who worked such street jobs lived
in rural villages before the 1999 conflict, and one-fifth
commuted from villages to work in the cities. Almost 90 percent
of these children said they were forced into such work by
poverty, and over 80 percent said they worked up to 9 hours
a day to support unemployed parents, often preventing school
attendance. According to a report published in September
by a local NGO, Human Rights and Legal Initiative Professional
Center, primarily male children between the ages of 8 and
14 worked on the streets, but they also recorded children
as young as age 6. There were no real employment opportunities
for children in the formal sector, and institutions lacked
a strategy to address this problem or an office focused exclusively
on children's rights.
Reports of sweatshops were rare, although some privately
operated factories operated under poor conditions. Many families
depended on wages earned by children, often by selling cigarettes
or groceries on the streets for long hours.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The Kosovo Office of Statistics estimated that the unemployment
rate was 60 percent, and the average wage paid to those who
were employed full-time was insufficient to provide a decent
standard of living for a worker and family. The labor legislation
provides for a minimum wage, but did not set its level. While
the public sector wage, paid out of the Kosovo Consolidated
Budget, was $189 (151 euros), the private sector wage was
an average of $260 (208 euros). Employers did not implement
the official 40-hour workweek under conditions of high underemployment
and unemployment. Night work was eligible for overtime pay,
and the laws prohibited overtime work exceeding 20 hours
per week and 40 hours per month.
While many international agencies and NGOs paid adequate
wages, UNMIK decided that wages for all jobs that will eventually
fall under Kosovo's governmental structure should be set
according to the level affordable under the consolidated
budget, even though such salaries were barely sufficient
to support a worker and a family. This situation precipitated
teachers' strikes in October and in September 2002.
Labor inspectors began work at the end of 2001, and the
Kosovo Assembly passed a Law on Labor Inspectorate in February,
but its implementation was difficult due to high unemployment
that made employers and workers less concerned with enforcement
of established occupational safety and health standards.
The law does not permit employees to remove themselves from
dangerous workplaces without fear of losing their jobs.
f. Trafficking in Persons
UNMIK regulations specifically prohibit all forms of trafficking
in persons; however, trafficking of women and children remained
a serious problem. During the year, one international police
officer was arrested for suspicion of child prostitution
and slavery; however, there was no known evidence of official
involvement in trafficking.
Trafficking in persons is a crime punishable by 2 to 20
years in prison under UNMIK regulations, which also provide
for victim assistance. A client engaging in sex with a victim
of trafficking may be sentenced for up to 5 years in prison,
while sex with a trafficked minor is a criminal offense carrying
penalties of up to 10 years in prison.
UNMIK actively investigated cases of trafficking during
the year, and police raided several brothels and nightclubs
on almost a weekly basis. The Trafficking and Prostitution
Investigation Unit (TPIU) of UNMIK CIVPOL provided a coordinated
law enforcement response against trafficking through investigations
and counter-trafficking police operations, such as raids
against suspected brothels, while local KPS officers provided
most of the undercover police work. Since its creation in
2000, TPIU has carried out several thousand counter-trafficking
operations, brought over 140 charges on trafficking in human
beings, closed 83 premises, and created a database of 1,848
women and 510 men who were suspected of involvement in trafficking.
During the year, TPIU conducted 2,047 raids or checks and
assisted 70 victims of trafficking. At year's end, there
were 200 establishments on UNMIK's list of off limits premises,
with 70 percent of those in Prizren and Gnjilane, both close
to the border with Macedonia and Albania.
According to TPIU, of 60 trafficking cases in the courts
during the year, 26 were ongoing at year's end. Of those
completed, the courts acquitted 18 and convicted 17, only
one of which resulted in the maximum sentence of 5 years,
while all others resulted in sentences of 3 to 6 months.
There were also arrests for trafficking-related offenses,
including 33 for prostitution, 19 for solicitation of prostitution,
11 for pimping, and 6 for possession of false documents.
UNMIK lacked bilateral extradition treaties, so there was
no such cooperation with other countries.
A significant problem in anti-trafficking efforts was the
low number of prosecutions and convictions, and short sentences
for traffickers; this resulted in a lack of cooperation from
victims. Victims' rights groups often successfully persuaded
victims to return to their homes without waiting to testify
against their traffickers, which undermined effective prosecutions.
Other factors that contributed to the low number of prosecutions
included the increasing sophistication of organized crime
efforts to avoid direct links between the victims and senior
crime figures, lack of a witness protection program, and
inadequate training for judicial personnel.
The numbers of reported trafficking victims increased since
last year. However, statistics were often imprecise and unreliable,
since CPWC, the IOM, and TPIU relied upon different definitions
of trafficking, employed uneven statistical analysis, and
overlapped in data collection. CPWC estimated that it responded
to approximately 180 cases of trafficking during the year,
80 percent of which were internally trafficked. The IOM assisted
58 victims, including 17 locals. TPIU worked with both of
these organizations and others to assist a combined total
of 70 local and international victims.
Kosovo was a source, transit point, and destination for
trafficked persons; internal trafficking was a problem as
well. As in previous years, the vast majority of trafficked
women and children in Kosovo were from Eastern Europe. According
to the IOM, over 50 percent of victims trafficked into Kosovo
from abroad were from Moldova, 22 percent from Romania, 13
percent from Ukraine, and the rest from Bulgaria, Albania,
Russia, and Serbia, while just under 5 percent were originally
from Kosovo. Evidence suggested that trafficking was often
the result of a coordinated effort between Kosovo Serb and
Kosovo Albanian organized crime elements, with Serbia acting
as a particularly active transit hub for the transfer of
trafficked victims from Eastern Europe into and through Kosovo.
Serbia was the entry point into Kosovo for 59 percent of
trafficking victims, Macedonia for 21 percent, and Albania
for 5 percent. Women from Moldova have also been trafficked
into Kosovo through Austria and Switzerland. Some women were
trafficked through Kosovo to Macedonia, Albania, Italy, and
other Western European destinations. Less than half of the
victims traveled with passports, and 70 percent reported
crossing borders illegally at least once.
The number of Kosovo victims of trafficking assisted by the
IOM Counter Trafficking Unit has consistently increased
since 2000, leading to an average of three cases reported
per month. This was partly due to increased awareness as
well as increased willingness to report the cases to the
referral system. The cases of local victims of trafficking
assisted in the past 2 years by IOM Kosovo indicated that
a large number of the victims were minors (62 percent),
particularly young girls between the ages of 13 and 15;
the youngest reported victim was 12 years old. The overall
number of cases involving minors was increasing; local
children and young girls from rural areas were particularly
at risk of being trafficked, as were those from urban areas
plagued with a high level of poverty, unemployment, and
illiteracy (61 percent).
Based on interviews with 271 trafficking victims over the
past 3 years, approximately 80 percent of the clients of
women trafficked for prostitution were locals, while approximately
20 percent were internationals; however, there were no comprehensive
figures on this issue. According to the IOM, the presence
of a large international community in Kosovo contributed
to an increase in the number of brothels involved in trafficking;
however, women rescued from the brothels often reported that
the majority of their clientele were locals. While there
have been cases of internationals involved in trafficking
they were few in number; the international community presence
supported trafficking more indirectly than directly, by bringing
money into the economy that was spent by locals on prostitution.
Most trafficking in Kosovo was conducted for the purpose
of sexual exploitation, but some victims were also subjected
to forced labor. Approximately 90 percent of victims were
lured into migrating illegally with false job promises or
false invitations abroad, while 9 percent were initially
forced or kidnapped. According to an IOM report released
in September, prior abuse in the family and financial hardship
were the strongest determining factors for potential victims
of trafficking. Among victims of trafficking, 70 percent
were poor and over 80 percent lacked a high school education.
Trafficked victims worked in the sex industry, primarily
in brothels and nightclubs, and increasingly in private residences.
Less than 5 percent reported that they were aware that they
would be working in the sex industry when they accepted employment
offers. Methods of trafficking increased in sophistication
and complexity. Women were less likely to be held by force
or physically threatened, but often were paid more after
they were trafficked to Kosovo than they could make in their
country of origin. Prostitution no longer took place in the
bars and brothels, but at the separate premises, such as
private apartments. Many trafficking victims were able to
make enough money, often approximately $375 to $500 (300
to 400 euros) per month, to send remittances to their families
in their countries of origin. Many women who were initially
victims of trafficking claimed they were engaged in consensual
prostitution and refused assistance. They were then either
released by police or convicted on prostitution charges with
minimal sentences.
Commercial sexual exploitation of children was not a widespread
problem in the past; however, there were cases of trafficking
victims as young as 12 years old during the year. On June
9, UNMIK police arrested four suspects, three Kosovo Albanians
and one international police officer, in Peje/Pec municipality
on suspicion of involvement in a child prostitution and slavery
conspiracy. One of the Kosovo Albanians involved in the case
committed suicide, and the CIVPOL officer was released pending
trial. Almost 60 percent of victims were between the ages
18 and 24, and 12 percent were minors. During the year, the
IOM assisted a 15-year-old boy who was being trafficked through
Kosovo. While the IOM has never directly come into contact
with cases of trafficking in children for organs, it believes
this practice may have occurred.
Trafficking victims reported that they were regularly subjected
to physical violence, rape, denial of access to health care,
and confiscation of their travel and identity documents.
Victims were often found in poor health and psychological
condition, with as many as 80 percent exhibiting health problems
directly resulting from sexual exploitation. Victims reported
being physically abused in 78 percent of cases examined by
the IOM.
Internationals caught involved in prostitution or entering
bars on an UNMIK's list of off-limits premises were returned
to their host countries. There were no cases of internationals
caught in the act of soliciting or engaging in prostitution,
but several were found in suspected premises and sent home,
including five KFOR soldiers in Mitrovica, and a CIVPOL police
commander sent home from Pristina in March.
There was no evidence of corruption or bribery in trafficking
prosecutions; witness cooperation and threats were more significant
factors. Some local prosecutors reported instances in which
the same lawyer represented an accused trafficker and the
victim. The Kosovo Judicial and Prosecutorial Council, which
hears disciplinary complaints against local judges and prosecutors,
brought 14 disciplinary procedures since 2000, but only 5
during the year, mostly for ethics violations and neglect
of responsibilities; corruption charges were not common.
UNMIK and the OSCE, PISG ministries, international organizations,
and NGOs shared responsibility for combating trafficking
and assisting victims. The UNMIK Victims' Advocacy and Assistance
Unit (VAAU) worked with victims of trafficking and other
crimes to assist them in accessing the criminal justice system
and coordinated victim support. Victims of trafficking who
chose assistance were referred by TPIU through OSCE regional
officers to one of two organizations. International victims
were referred to the IOM, which runs a shelter through the
NGO United Methodist Committee on Relief. Domestic victims
were referred to the CPWC, which ran a shelter and provided
a variety of services for victims, such as counseling and
job training. There was also an Interim Secure Facility open
to all victims of trafficking and domestic violence while
they waited to testify in court or considered whether to
seek additional assistance.
Several international agencies and NGOs established programs
to assist the victims of trafficking with material support
to return to their countries of origin or homes. While UNMIK,
the OSCE, and the IOM did not directly provide shelter for
domestic victims, they worked with local and international
NGOs, such as UMCOR and CPWC to provide these services. In
addition, CPWC conducted awareness programs in schools and
communities. In early January, CPWC's offices were burglarized
and computers with confidential information were taken, potentially
putting victims at risk; the crime had not been solved by
year's end.
Protection for victims of trafficking made considerable
progress in recent years. Since prostitution is illegal and
many of the trafficked women were in the country without
documentation, victims often failed to report their traffickers
due to fear of arrest. However, UNMIK regulation provides
a defense for victims of trafficking against criminal charges
of prostitution and illegal entry, while the law provides
a prohibition against deportation of trafficked persons due
to a conviction of prostitution or illegal entry. UNMIK did
not provide any official residency status to victims. Those
who did not accept assistance from the IOM were released,
but if they continued to work as prostitutes, they were subject
to re-arrest, short jail sentences, and deportation.
There was significant success in disseminating the view
that women who were the victims of trafficking should not
be prosecuted for prostitution nor subjected to deportation
orders. However, a few local judges sometimes incorrectly
sentenced trafficking victims to jail, contrary to the law,
which provides for their partial immunity. Judges issued
deportation orders against some women for lack of proper
documentation.
During the year, the IOM worked closely with the PISG, particularly
the Office of the Prime Minister, the Ministry of Labor and
Social Welfare, and the Ministry of Health to increase local
awareness of the phenomenon of trafficking, and to encourage
engagement in counteracting the problem. The IOM also offered
training on trafficking to instructors engaged in rule of
law development programs. The IOM continued an awareness
campaign directed at Kosovo NGOs involved in human rights
and women's issues, and a public campaign to discourage the
use of commercial sex services by Kosovo men and international
staff. The IOM also released a report on psychological support
and services for victims of trafficking.
MONTENEGRO
Montenegro was a constituent republic of the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia (FRY) until February when the FRY was dissolved
and Montenegro became a constituent republic of the state
union of Serbia and Montenegro (SaM). Like Serbia, Montenegro
has a president and a parliamentary system of government.
On May 11, Filip Vujanovic was elected President in general
elections that were deemed free and fair. The political scene
in Montenegro was dominated by two major coalitions, one
led by Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic of the Democratic Party
of Socialists (DPS), and another by opposition leader Predrag
Bulatovic of the Socialist People's Party. The Montenegrin
Government continued to act largely independently from the
Republic of Serbia on most issues. Montenegro has a separate
customs regime, a separate visa regime, its own central bank,
and uses the euro rather than the Yugoslav dinar as its currency.
The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however,
courts often were subject to political influence and corruption
and remained inefficient.
The Republic's police, under the authority of the Ministry
of Internal Affairs (MUP), have responsibility for internal
security. The Montenegrin State Security Service (SDB), also
located within the MUP, has authority to conduct surveillance
of citizens. A detachment of the SaM Army was stationed in
Montenegro and cooperated with Montenegrin police to arrest
traffickers. While civilian authorities generally maintained
effective control of the security services, there were some
instances in which elements of the security forces acted
independently of government authority. Some members of security
forces committed human rights abuses.
Montenegro has a population of approximately 686,000, including
refugees and displaced persons from Kosovo. The economy,
more market-based than state-owned, was mixed agricultural,
industrial, and tourist-oriented. Real gross domestic product
growth for the year was approximately 2.5 percent, and
annual inflation was approximately 7.8 percent. Wages have
not kept pace with inflation due to slow growth of the
economy. Low per capita income, and the tolerance for corruption
it fostered, combined with a high cost of living to create
conditions ripe for crime.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its
citizens; however, there were problems in some areas. Police
at times beat and abused citizens, although human rights
groups noted that there were fewer reports of police abuse
than during previous years. Police arbitrarily arrested and
detained civilians. Media independence was a problem; however,
the Government exercised slightly less influence over the
media than in previous years. Pressure from politicians sometimes
resulted in distorted coverage of events by state and some
private media. Domestic violence and discrimination against
women continued to be problems. Some discrimination persisted,
particularly with regard to Roma. Trafficking in women and
children for sexual exploitation continued to be a problem.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom From:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no reports of the arbitrary or unlawful deprivation
of life committed by the Government or its agents.
There were no developments in the investigations of the
2001 killing of Darko Raspopovic, chief of the Montenegrin
police anti-terrorism unit, or the 2000 assassination of
Goran Zugic, advisor for security issues to the President
of Montenegro.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture, and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment
The law prohibits such practices; however, police occasionally
beat suspects during arrest or while suspects were detained
for questioning.
On May 17, five
police inspectors reportedly physically and verbally abused
Igor Zindovic in the port city of Bar.
According to a criminal complaint filed by the Humanitarian
Law Center (HLC), the inspectors detained Zindovic and held
him for several days. During this time, they forced a confession
of robbery from him by hitting him on the head, stomach,
and back and threatening to kill him and throw his body into
the sea. Zindovic was taken before the police chief, who
said he was to sign everything or he would be "wrapped
in a fishing net and thrown in the Bojana River." On
May 20, Zindovic was taken to a prison, and the next day
he told an investigating judge that his confession had been
coerced. On June 10, Zindovic was released when the prosecutor
dismissed the case against him.
On August 21, police inspector Dobrasin Vulic and three
other unidentified officers reportedly physically abused
Nikola Popovic. According to the HLC, which filed a criminal
complaint in the case, Popovic, hearing that his son had
been detained, went to the police station in the Zabjelo
neighborhood of Podgorica. At the station, an unidentified
officer punched him, and Vulic kicked him repeatedly in the
mouth and nose and threatened to beat him with his nightstick
whenever he saw him. Popovic was detained for 3 days. At
year's end, judicial authorities had taken no action on the
HLC complaint; however, an investigation into charges that
Popovic attacked an officer performing a security-related
duty was ongoing.
In October, HLC filed a criminal complaint against two police
officers for mistreating Izet Korac of Rozaje early that
month. According to HLC, Korac was slightly wounded during
the incident. An investigation was ongoing at year's end.
Three Bijelo Polje
police officers, Mevludin Hasanovic, Vladimir Siljak, and
Ljubodrag Zugic, beat student Darko
Knezevic and held him for several hours without medical attention
in 2002. In accordance with the MUP Department for Internal
Control and Control of Legal Usage of Authority, Hasanovic
was fined 50 percent of his salary for 2 months and the other
two officers were fined 50 percent of their salaries 3 months.
The three police officers were also indicted on charges of "mistreatment
while on duty"; their trials were ongoing at year's
end. At the same time, police agreed not to pursue criminal
charges against Knezevic.
In December, the
Basic Prosecutor issued an indictment against six police
officers in Berane for "exceeding authority" for
their involvement in beating five Muslim men in Petnjica
in 2002. The victims, considering the indictment too mild,
brought private charges against the police officers. The
prosecutor also issued an indictment against one of these
plaintiffs for "threatening by dangerous arms during
a fight or quarrel."
According to the MUP Department for Internal Control and
Control of Legal Usage of Authority, police involved in the
beating of two Roma internally displaced persons (IDP) boys
in 2002 were fined 30 percent of 1 month's salary.
The Municipal Court in Pljevlja ordered the Republic of
Montenegro to pay $11,375 (9,100 euros) to Bojan Tosic in
compensation for his unlawful arrest and torture by police
in 1999; however, by year's end, the compensation had not
been paid. At year's end, a criminal case was ongoing against
Police Inspector Zeljko Golubovic for inciting the abuse
of Tosic to extract a confession that Tosic had planted an
explosive device under an automobile.
Prison conditions generally met international standards;
however, some problems remained. Prison facilities were antiquated,
overcrowded and poorly maintained. Women were held separately
from men. The law mandates that juveniles be held separately
from adults and pretrial detainees be held separately from
convicted criminals; however, in practice, this did not always
occur due to overcrowding. Due to inadequate prison budgets,
prisoners often had to obtain hygienic supplies from their
families, although the prisons provided basic supplies to
those who could not obtain them otherwise.
The Government permitted prison visits by human rights observers,
including the International Committee of the Red Cross and
local NGOs. The Ombudsman, elected by Parliament in October,
had the right to visit detainees and prisoners at any time,
without prior notice. After the Ombudsman's office became
functional on December 10, the Ombudsman visited one detainee
and one inmate.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention or Exile
The law prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention; however,
at times the police arbitrarily arrested and detained persons.
The MUP controls both National and Border Police. These
two services were generally effective in maintaining basic
law and order; however, their effectiveness in fighting organized
crime was limited. A sizable percentage of the police force
was made up of Bosnian Muslims, also referred to as Bosniaks,
many of whom were deployed in a predominantly Muslim area
in the north commonly referred to as Sandzak. During the
year, the Border Police took over from the SaM army responsibility
for policing Montenegro's borders. The Government investigated
some police abuses; however, criminal procedures and sentences
against police were rare. When they were initiated, criminal
procedures against police were often of long duration with
convictions resulting in only minor penalties.
Low wages and socialist-era habits contributed to an environment
in which some corruption was tolerated; the small, close-knit
society discouraged reporting of corruption and provided
criminals access to law enforcement officers. However, strong
international and domestic pressure resulted in some progress.
The international community provided substantial financial
and technical assistance to upgrade the quality of training
and facilities for the Border Police, with a special focus
on combating trafficking in persons. Assistance was also
provided to train the police to better combat organized crime.
In December, Parliament adopted the Criminal Procedure Act;
it was expected to take effect in April 2004 and to supercede
all previous criminal procedure laws. The Act defines the
authority of police in pretrial processes and permits police
involvement in these processes only with the approval of
a judge. It also contains new measures for combating organized
crime and for in-court witness protection. The Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) expects the
Act to strengthen protection of human rights and freedoms
of citizens while giving more power to police, prosecutors,
and courts to combat the most serious criminal offenses.
Arrests require
a judicial warrant or "high suspicion
that the suspect committed an offense." A suspect could
be detained for up to 72 hours without access to an attorney.
It is within this initial detention period that most abuses
occurred (see Section 1.c.). Under the new Criminal Procedure
Act, expected to take effect in 2004, a suspect may only
be detained for up to 48 hours before being taken before
a judge. The Act includes a legal requirement to provide
access to a lawyer during the pretrial detention period.
There is no general requirement for a juvenile suspect to
have an adult present during police interrogation; however,
if a juvenile faces a sentence of 5 years or more, an attorney
must be present. If a criminal case goes to trial for a crime
with a possible sentence greater than 5 years, a lawyer will
be appointed if the defendant cannot afford one. There is
a system of bail; however, it was not widely used because
citizens could rarely raise money for bail. Remanded prisoners
were permitted visits by family members and friends, and
this was confirmed by an October survey of Montenegrin detention
procedures by the Committee of Experts of the European Committee
on Crime Problems.
The Montenegrin Helsinki Committee (HCM) did not record any
incidents of arbitrary arrest or detention during the year.
There were some cases of arrest in which subsequent investigation
did not lead to prosecution; however, unlike in previous
years, the HCM did not find any political, ethnic, or religious
motivation in these cases. The HCM believed the police
sometimes made arrests before collecting sufficient evidence
and that some police officers at times formulated records
in a manner that made it appear that preliminary investigations
were concluded when they had not been.
The law prohibits forced exile, and the Government did not
employ it.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary;
however, a historical lack of cooperation between police
and prosecutors, a backlog of cases, often primitive courtroom
facilities, and corruption remained problems. The Government
may have at times influenced prosecutors for political reasons.
Although judges were poorly paid, some received free housing,
which to some extent offset their low salaries. The failure
to bring indictments in a trafficking case involving a deputy
state prosecutor raised concerns of possible political influence
on the justice system (see Section 6.f.).
The court system consists of municipal, higher (or district),
and supreme courts at the republic level.
In accordance with the 2002 Law on Courts, a Judicial Council
was established and began functioning during the year. The
Supreme Court President chairs the Council, and other members
include judges, lawyers, and academics; no Executive Branch
members are included. The Judicial Council selects and disciplines
judges and handles court administration, such as preparation
of the judiciary's budget request. The law also requires
that cases be assigned to judges by rotation and dictates
formation of an Appeals Court and an Administrative Court
to reduce the burden on the Supreme Court; however, these
new courts had not been formed by year's end due to lack
of facilities.
The law provides for the right to a fair trial, the presumption
of innocence, access to a lawyer, and the right of appeal.
There were no war crimes trials in Montenegro during the
year, although cases for compensation for damages during
the conflict in the 1990s were heard.
In 2002, the Bijelo
Polje District Court sentenced former "Avengers" paramilitary
unit member Nebojsa Ranisavljevic to 15 years in prison for
war crimes committed in Serbia and Bosnia during the Bosnian
war. The Supreme Court held a hearing on Ranisavljevic's
appeal, but at year's end the court had not issued a ruling.
Victims' families pressed criminal charges, seeking to have
the Ranisavljevic investigation extended to additional individuals,
including Dobrica Cosic and high officials in office when
the alleged crimes were committed. The families also initiated
19 lawsuits seeking compensation for non-material damages
(e.g., pain and suffering) in courts in Monteneqro (Bar,
Berane, Bijelo Polje, Rozaje) and Serbia (Prijepolje). These
cases were pending at year's end. In February, the HCM requested
an investigation of Dobrica Cosic.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
The Constitution prohibits such actions; however, the law
allows the SDB to eavesdrop on citizens without court authorization.
Some observers believed that police used wiretapping and
surveillance against opposition parties and other groups
on a selective basis. Many individuals and organizations
operated on the assumption that they were, or could be, under
surveillance.
Citizens could inspect secret files kept on them by the
SDB from 1945 to 1989; however, they did not have access
to post-1989 files.
There were reports that membership in the appropriate political
party was a prerequisite for obtaining positions or advancing
within certain parts of the Government.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Constitution and laws provide for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respected
these rights in practice; however, officials brought or threatened
libel suits when accused of wrongdoing. Despite some steps
to move away from state control of the media, certain private
media, such as the daily Publika, retained close ties to
the Government.
The Government tried to move away from state-run media towards
true public broadcasting (PBS) and privatization. The Media
Law mandates regulatory structures designed to insulate state-owned
media from direct party control, including a Radio and Television
Council (RTVCG) to take over from the Government editorial
oversight of PBS radio and television stations. The Council
was formed during the year, with members selected by a variety
of NGOs and professional groups; however, some observers
noted that many Council members had close ties to the Government.
The state-owned print media were slated for privatization,
so they were not placed under the purview of RTVCG. Despite
an obligation imposed by the 2002 media laws to privatize
by November, the state-owned daily newspaper Pobjeda had
not begun the process at year's end. Only two out of a dozen
local, state-owned newspapers began the privatization process
by year's end.
The print media consisted of a mixture of state-owned and
private news outlets, which published a wide variety of domestic
and foreign articles. Domestic radio and television stations
regularly broadcast programs from Belgrade's B-92, Croatian
State Television, Italian television, the British Broadcasting
Corporation, the Voice of America, and Radio Free Europe.
Domestic radio and television stations needed licenses from
the Government to broadcast. The regulatory Broadcasting
Agency was established during the year; however, it had not
begun allocating licenses by year's end. YU-INFO TV news
no longer broadcast from military bases in the Republic;
the broadcasts had violated the law. The Serbian television
station TV Pink, highly partial to the Montenegrin Government,
continued to broadcast in Montenegro under temporary licenses
received in a non-transparent procedure from the Agency for
Telecommunications. The more financially and technically
powerful TV Pink began to edge out Montenegrin independent
stations from the market.
Many private media outlets lost guaranteed financial backing
from supporters and had to rely on circulation and advertising
for revenue; this increased competition for audience share
and resulted in the closure of two dailies. A tacit government
requirement that ministries place their listings, such as
government job vacancies, in the pro-government Publika newspaper
provided extra revenue for this relatively low-circulation
daily.
In 2002, the parties then in opposition voted in favor of
media reform laws that ultimately led to cancellation of
the state-run television's gavel-to-gavel coverage of Parliament.
However, when the RTVCG Council ordered that full coverage
cease, the opposition began a boycott of Parliament, arguing
that government domination of the media made it necessary
for citizens to see unedited parliamentary coverage. Although
the RTVCG and many other actors offered various compromises
that would provide near-complete coverage, the boycott was
ongoing at year's end.
There were no publicized cases of direct government censorship
of state-owned media. However, officials continued to bring
libels suits against some media outlets, the newspaper Dan
in particular, for relatively harmless offenses. The fear
of being sued for libel, which carried criminal penalties
of up to 3 years' imprisonment, continued to inhibit free
expression in the press. However, in December, Parliament
adopted a new criminal code that eliminated jail sentences
for libel (including insult and defamation), imposing only
fines ranging from $750 to $12,500 (600 to 10,000 euros).
In September, after Dan printed an opinion piece asserting
that Prime Minister Djukanovic used the services of trafficked
women, the Prime Minister filed a libel lawsuit against the
editor-in-chief of Dan and his deputy, and against the NGO
activist who wrote the article; the cases had not gone to
court by year's end. Despite the continued risk of libel
suits, a modest increase in the willingness of the media
to criticize the Government was noticeable.
In November 2002, the Podgorica Higher Court sentenced former
editor-in-chief of opposition daily Dan, Vladislav Asanin,
to 30 days in jail for libeling businessman Stanko Subotic
and to a 3-month jail term for libeling then President Djukanovic
after Asanin reprinted in Dan an allegation that Subotic
and Djukanovic were involved in cigarette smuggling. By year's
end, the Government had not jailed Asanin for either conviction;
however, the Supreme Court denied his appeal in the Subotic
case on October 13. His appeal in the Djukanovic case remained
pending at year's end.
The Government did not restrict access to the Internet or
academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly and association,
and the Government generally respected these rights in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion
The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Government
generally respected this right in practice. There was no
state religion, although the Montenegrin Constitution mentions
the Orthodox Church, Islamic Religious Community, and Roman
Catholic Church as equal and separate from the state, and
the Serbian Orthodox Church received some preferential treatment
in practice. The Ministry of Religion was abolished early
in the year.
While there was no formal registration requirement for religions,
religious groups had to register as citizen groups with the
Montenegrin MUP in order to gain status as a legal entity,
which is necessary for real estate and other administrative
transactions. The Diocese of Montenegro and the Littoral-Serbian
Orthodox Church, even though not formally registered, enjoyed
the status of legal entity.
A human rights organization claimed that the Government
discriminated against a member of the Jehovah's Witnesses
from Berane who received a 1-year sentence for use of a counterfeit
banknote. These human rights activists questioned the strength
of the evidence presented in the case and noted that the
defendant's membership in the Jehovah's Witnesses was included
in the court decision.
There was no progress noted during the year on restitution
of previously seized church property. The Government challenged
a decision by the SaM Ministry of Defense to transfer military
property into the hands of the Serbian Orthodox Church.
Officials claimed the transfer was an illegal attempt to
prevent the Republic Government from obtaining the property
when the federal state was dissolved.
Religion and ethnicity were intertwined closely and in many
cases it was difficult to identify discriminatory acts as
primarily religious or primarily ethnic in origin. Minority
religious communities reported some continued problems with
vandalism of church buildings, cemeteries, and other religious
premises.
Catholic, Orthodox, and Muslim communities coexisted within
the same towns and often used the same municipal-owned properties
for worship services. Tensions continued between the canonically
unrecognized Montenegrin Orthodox Church and the Serbian
Orthodox Church, but these tensions were largely political.
Pro-Serbian political parties strongly supported moves to
establish the Serbian Orthodox Church as the official state
religion, while pro-independence parties pushed for the recognition
of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church. The two churches continued
to compete for adherents and made conflicting property claims;
however, the contention was not marked by the violence seen
in previous years.
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2003 International
Religious Freedom Report.
d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign Travel,
Emigration and Repatriation.
The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government
generally respected them in practice.
There were approximately 18,019 IDPs from Kosovo. The majority
of IDPs were ethnically Montenegrins (5,816) and Serbs (4,515);
however, there were also Roma (3,118) and others. Eviction
of Roma from illegal settlements and, sometimes, legal residences,
was a serious problem (see Section 5).
The law provides for the granting of refugee status to persons
who meet the definition in the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating
to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. There is
no law that provides for asylum. In practice, the Government
provided some protection against refoulement and granted
refugee status. Such cases were referred to the office of
the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Belgrade
for determination. Refugees that the UNHCR determined had
legitimate fears of persecution could then be resettled elsewhere.
People who entered Montenegro illegally claiming fear of
persecution were sent to Belgrade, where they were detained
for up to 3 weeks in a special jail. In these cases, the
UNHCR was also requested to determine the legitimacy of persecution
claims.
The Government generally cooperated with the UNHCR and other
humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. According
to the UNHCR, there were 13,299 refugees from the former
Yugoslavia in the Republic (9,716 from Bosnia and Herzegovina,
3,560 from Croatia). Only refugees who were leaving the country
permanently were issued travel documents. Conditions for
refugees varied; those with relatives or property in the
country were able to find housing and, in some cases, employment.
Many Roma refugees lived in collective centers, with only
limited access to health care and education. One of the major
problems for Roma children was their lack of knowledge of
the Serbian language; Albanian is the first language for
most Roma in Montenegro, particularly IDPs.
The 2002 Law on Employment treated refugees as economic
migrants and deprived them of the right to register with
the Montenegrin Employment Bureau, a right IDPs lacked. The
May 5 Decree on Employment of Non-Resident Physical Persons
was designed to limit economic migration; however, a $3.13
(2.5 euros) per-day surcharge it levied on employment of
non-residents also applied to refugees and IDPs, making their
labor more expensive than comparable labor of Montenegrin
citizens.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: the Right of Citizens
to Change their Government
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change
their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this
right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections
held on the basis of universal suffrage.
In February, a presidential election failed due to low turnout
(46.1 percent), with the mainstream opposition parties boycotting.
Parliament then removed the 50 percent turnout requirement,
and acting president Filip Vujanovic was elected President
on May 11, with 64 percent of the vote in a free and fair
election, which had a turnout of 48.3 percent.
In an October 2002 election, President Djukanovic's coalition,
Democratic List for a European Montenegro, obtained a majority
in Parliament, with 39 out of the total 75 parliamentary
seats. After resigning the presidency in late 2002, Djukanovic
formed his Government on January 8 and was confirmed as Prime
Minister. Djukanovic has been in power as President or Prime
Minister almost all of the previous 12 years.
The Croatian minority's political party, Croatian Civic
Initiative, won four seats in the Tivat municipal assembly
in 2002. According to a survey by the Ministry for Protection
of Rights of Minorities and Ethnic Groups, there were no
Roma in the state administration, and only 0.15 percent of
local administration employees were Roma.
There were no legal restrictions on women's participation
in government and women voted in large numbers. There were
8 women in the 75-seat legislature, and 2 women in the cabinet
(Ministers of Culture and Foreign Economic Relations). Vesna
Medenica, a female judge, was appointed State Prosecutor
when her predecessor resigned under pressure from critics
who accused him of corruption and possible collusion in a
highly visible human trafficking case. At year's end, there
was one female mayor in Montenegro's 21 municipalities. (Two
female mayors resigned during the year.)
There were no legal restrictions on political participation
by ethnic minorities, although ethnic Montenegrins and Serbs
dominated the Republic's political leadership. There were
11 ethnic minorities in the 75-seat legislature, and 3 in
the Cabinet. Ethnic Albanians and Bosniaks participated in
the political process, and their parties, candidates, and
voters participated in all elections. Four parliamentary
seats are allocated to ethnic Albanians; two of these seats
were held by members of Albanian parties and the other two
were held by members of Prime Minister Djukanovic's DPS.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International
and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of
Human Rights
A number of domestic and international human rights groups
generally operated without government restriction, and officials
were somewhat cooperative and responsive to their views.
There were a substantial number of NGOs investigating and
publishing their findings on human rights cases; these included
HLC, HCM, and the Center for Democracy and Human Rights.
NGOs have been credited with helping to bring about an overall
decline in police brutality and other abuses.
There was a committee on human rights in the Parliament;
however, in December, HLC and HCM stated that the committee
was inactive.
The Government cooperated with the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in allowing access
to witnesses and in responding quickly to reports that indictees
might have been in Montenegro. Prime Minister Djukanovic
declined the ICTY Prosecutor's request that he testify in
the trial of Slobodan Milosevic in September.
In July, Parliament adopted the Law on the Protector of
Human Rights and Freedoms (the Ombudsman Law). In October,
Parliament elected former Constitutional Court Judge Sefko
Crnovrsanin as the first Ombudsman and the Ombudsman office
was functioning by year's end. According to the Law, the
Ombudsman protects human rights and freedoms guaranteed by
the Constitution, laws, ratified international human rights
agreements, and generally accepted principles of international
law, when these rights are violated by actions or omissions
of state bodies, local governments, or public services. The
Ombudsman does not have authority over the work of the courts,
except in cases of prolonged procedure, obvious abuses of
procedure, and failure to execute court decisions. Anyone
can appeal to the Ombudsman, and the procedure is free of
charge. If the Ombudsman finds a violation of human rights
or freedoms, he may initiate disciplinary procedures or dismissal
of the violator. Failure to comply with the Ombudsman's request
for access to official data, documents, or premises, or to
the Ombudsman's request to testify at a hearing, is sanctioned
by fines of 10 to 20 times the minimum monthly wage. The
Ombudsman must submit to Parliament an annual report, which
is a public document.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Disability,
Language, or Social Status
The law provides for equal rights for all citizens, regardless
of ethnicity, social status, or gender; however, in practice,
the Government provided little protection against discrimination.
Women
High levels of domestic violence persisted, particularly
in rural areas. The few official agencies dedicated to coping
with family violence had inadequate resources and were limited
by social pressure to keep families together. In 2002, the
Government introduced provisions against domestic violence
in its criminal legislation. Prescribed sanctions are: For
arrogant behavior that threatens the tranquility, physical
integrity, or mental condition of a family member, a fine
or up to 1 year in prison; if dangerous weapons are used,
3 months to 5 years in prison; if damage to health or serious
injury results, or if directed against a minor, 1 to 5 years
in prison; and if death results, 3 to 12 years in prison.
Victims of domestic violence rarely filed complaints with
the authorities. According to a survey by the NGO SOS Hotline
for Women and Child Victims of Violence-Podgorica (SOS Hotline),
only 30 percent of victims reported domestic violence incidents
to police. In the 2 districts for which SOS Hotline had statistics,
approximately 180 domestic violence criminal complaints were
filed with police, and police forwarded about 85 of these
to prosecutors. In the remaining cases, police usually issued
warnings. The judiciary prosecuted a number of domestic violence
cases; however, NGOs reported that courts were insufficiently
active on domestic violence cases due to lack of understanding
of the issue. Seniors from the MUP High School in Danilovgrad
were trained to deal with domestic violence.
Punishment for spousal rape is 1 to 10 years in prison; however,
the crime can only be prosecuted if the victim brings the
charges. According to SOS Hotline, although nearly one-fourth
of married women are victims of spousal rape, no charges
were filed during the year.
Punishment for rape is 1 to 10 years in prison. According
to the Montenegrin Women's Lobby (MWL), victims rarely filed
criminal complaints for rape. Of the two women MWL assisted
to file criminal charges against their alleged rapists during
the year, neither ultimately pursued a prosecution.
Trafficking in women for prostitution was a problem (see
Section 6.f.). A lack of female police at police stations
resulted in long delays in investigating rapes, assaults,
and offenses against women.
Sexual harassment was a problem. Women did not enjoy equal
status with men, and few women held upper-level management
positions in government or commerce; however, increasing
numbers of women served as judges, and there were many women
in professional fields such as law, science, and medicine.
Legally, women were entitled to equal pay for equal work;
however, in practice, they did not always receive it. Women
were allowed 12 to 18 months of maternity leave.
Traditional patriarchal ideas of gender roles, which hold
that women should be subservient to male members of their
families, continued to subject women to discrimination in
the home. In rural areas, particularly among minority communities,
women did not always have the ability to exercise their right
to control property, and husbands commonly directed wives'
voting. Divorce occurred, although infrequently. Women were
active in human rights organizations.
Children
The Government attempted to meet the health and educational
needs of children; however, insufficient resources impeded
this goal. The educational system provided 8 years of mandatory
schooling. Although ethnic Albanian children had access to
instruction in their native language, some Albanians criticized
the Government for not developing a curriculum in which Albanians
could learn about their ethnic culture and history. Most
Roma children received little or no education beyond the
primary school level.
There were some reports that abuse against children was
a problem, although there was no societal pattern of such
abuse. The law does not allow a juvenile to make an allegation
of a crime without a parent or guardian present; consequently,
there was almost no reporting of child abuse or incest.
Trafficking in girls for the purpose of prostitution was
a problem (see Section 6.f.).
Persons with Disabilities
The law prohibits discrimination against persons with disabilities
in employment, education, or in the provision of state services.
The law mandates access to new official buildings, and the
Government enforced these provisions in practice; however,
facilities for persons with disabilities were inadequate,
including at polling stations. Mobile voting existed for
handicapped or ill voters who could not come to polling stations.
There was societal discrimination against persons with disabilities.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
Societal discrimination against ethnic minorities persisted.
While there was no officially sanctioned discrimination against
the Roma population, prejudice against them was widespread.
Local authorities often ignored or tacitly condoned societal
intimidation or ill treatment of Roma, many of whom were
IDPs from Kosovo. The HLC reported that a Roma woman, Radmila
Selimovic, was discharged from the hospital following a July
16 hit-and-run accident with no follow-up treatment arranged
in spite of serious injuries she had received, including
a broken pelvis that left her unable to walk. The police
had not taken a statement from her by year's end. On June
19, the Montenegrin Government agreed to pay $1,231,250 (985,000
euros) to 74 Roma whose neighborhood was destroyed by a mob
in 1995--as police stood by--following the alleged rape of
a non-Roma girl by two Roma youths.
Roma IDPs, who lived primarily in collective centers and
scattered settlements throughout the country, often lacked
identity documents and access to basic human services (see
Section 2.d.). Eviction from illegal settlements and, sometimes,
legal residences, was a serious problem.
HLC reported that the local population exerted pressure
on three Roma families to move out of Niksic and organized
protests against the Roma in front of the City Council. In
response, police provided stronger security for the Roma
families concerned.
Some Bosniaks complained that the division of the Sandzak
region between Montenegro and Serbia created some problems
for residents. The majority of Montenegrin Bosniaks supported
the Djukanovic Government and were integrated into national
political parties (see Section 3).
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The law provides for the right of association for all workers;
however, military personnel may not form unions. Most, if
not all, of the workforce in the official economy was organized.
Both official, government-affiliated unions and independent
unions existed. Because the independent labor movement largely
was fragmented, there was little improvement in working conditions
or wages. A general lack of resources within the economy
also acted as a restraint.
The Constitution, laws, and the General Collective Agreement
prohibit anti-union discrimination. Anti-union discrimination
was not generally a problem, although workers were involuntarily
transferred to lower-paid positions discriminatorily. Unions
could affiliate with international labor organizations; however,
access to international labor unions was limited.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
The law provides for the right of collective bargaining;
however, collective bargaining remained at a rudimentary
level of development. Instead of attempting to make progress
on the collective needs of all workers, negotiations generally
centered on advancing the needs of a specific group of workers.
The high unemployment rate limited unions' bargaining power
and willingness to take action.
The law only prohibits strikes by military and police personnel.
Strikes were frequent during the year, primarily caused by
the economic situation, unpaid salaries, allegations of manipulation
and fraud in the privatization process, and denial of union
rights. A strike of education workers during the year lasted
nearly 11 months. There were also strikes in shipping and
hotel/tourism companies, timber- and wood-processing plants,
a home appliance plant, and a construction equipment company--all
state-owned.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Bonded Labor
The law prohibits forced and bonded labor, including by
children; however, there were reports that such practices
occurred (see Sections 6.d. and 6.f.).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment
The official minimum age for employment is 15 years, although
in farming communities it was common to find younger children
assisting their families. Children could also be found in
a variety of unofficial retail jobs, typically washing car
windows or selling small items such as newspapers. The high
unemployment rate ensured that there was little demand for
child labor in the formal sector.
Some children
worked in the "gray zone" between
voluntary and forced labor; however, there were no reports
that such practices occurred systematically.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The minimum wage was $62.50 (50 euros) per month, and large
government enterprises, including all of the major banks
and industrial and trading companies, generally observed
this wage. The minimum wage was comparable to unemployment
benefits or wages paid to those on mandatory leave. The gross
average wage for 2002 was $231 per month (185 euros), with
a disposable average wage (after social contributions and
payroll taxes) of approximately $106 (85 euros) per month;
this amount was insufficient to provide a decent standard
of living for a worker and family. Prices increased faster
than wages, with inflation as of October at 6.7 percent.
The latest available data suggest that households spent almost
all of their resources on basic needs, such as food, clothing,
and housing.
The official workweek is 40 hours and payment of overtime
is prescribed by the GCA. The Government did not give high
priority to the enforcement of established occupational safety
and health regulations. In view of the competition for employment,
workers were not free to leave hazardous work situations
without risking loss of employment.
f. Trafficking in Persons
The law prohibits trafficking in persons; however, trafficking
in persons remained a serious problem. There were reports
that police and other officials were involved in trafficking.
The Criminal Code provides for up to 8 years' imprisonment
for trafficking and up to 10 years' imprisonment if a person
under age 14 is involved. The new Criminal Code, which is
expected to take effect in April 2004, sets the punishment
for all trafficking in persons at up to 10 years' imprisonment.
Only three cases under the new trafficking charge had come
to trial by October, and only one resulted in a conviction.
NGOs and international organizations suspected that the small
number of arrests did not reflect the full extent of the
trafficking problem.
A controversial case involving the rape and torture of a
trafficked woman from Moldova, identified by the initials
S.C., arose when authorities arrested Montenegrin Deputy
State Prosecutor Zoran Piperovic in November 2002. Government
officials were alleged to be directly involved in the purchase,
sale, rape, and torture of S.C. Piperovic and two other suspects
were charged with mediation of prostitution, and a fourth
person was charged with trafficking in persons and mediation
of prostitution. After Ana Vukovic, the Podgorica Municipal
Court Investigative Judge assigned to the case, conducted
a 4-month investigation, including interviews with about
50 witnesses, she recommended that indictments be issued
against all four suspects. On June 2, after reviewing Vukovic's
report, Podgorica Prosecutor Zoran Radonjic dismissed charges
against all the suspects, citing insufficient evidence. Judge
Vukovic criticized Radonjic's decision, stating publicly
that she believed her investigation had turned up sufficient
evidence to indict Piperovic and the other suspects (see
Section 1.e.). Foreign governments, the European Union, and
the OSCE strongly criticized the decision not to try the
case.
S.C., who was residing abroad, decided not to pursue the
case further through an optional procedure known as a private
prosecution, and Judge Vukovic officially closed the case
on September 2, noting that it could be reopened if new evidence
emerged. In November, Judge Vukovic claimed that she was
wiretapped and placed under surveillance; the SDB and police
denied the charges. At year's end, State Prosecutor Vesna
Medenica was investigating Vukovic's allegations.
In July, at the invitation of the Montenegrin Government,
the Council of Europe and the OSCE performed a joint investigation
of the handling of the S.C. case and provided a copy of their
report and recommendations to the Government at the end of
September. The Government provided its response on October
20, and both the report and response were made public by
year's end.
The Government and ruling party (DPS) denounced the case,
and in late January when Prime Minister Djukanovic formed
a new government, he did not renew the mandate of the incumbent
Minister of Internal Affairs, Andrija Jovicevic. This move
was widely interpreted as retaliation for Jovicevic's authorization
of Piperovic's arrest. Government actions, such as disbanding
the special anti-trafficking police unit that arrested Piperovic
and the other suspects, and transferring the police's anti-trafficking
chief to a new department, raised concerns about the Government's
commitment to fighting trafficking. However, the Government
did fire Deputy State Prosecutor Zoran Piperovic; his boss,
State Prosecutor Bozidar Vukcevic; and Podgorica Prosecutor
Zoran Radonjic.
Since 2001, a National Coordinator appointed by the MUP
has chaired the Anti-Trafficking Working Group composed of
relevant ministries, social services, the OSCE, the International
Organization for Migration (IOM), and NGOs. Until the Piperovic
case arose, there had been good cooperation among the board's
members; however, the scandal appeared to damage trust within
the group, and cooperation reportedly neared a standstill.
One source of tension was the coordinator's admitted close
friendship with one of the accused. The Anti-Trafficking
Working Group convened several times in the second half of
the year to develop an anti-trafficking strategy. In November,
the Government approved the strategy and established a new
inter-ministerial working group tasked with supervising implementation;
the group began its work in December.
Available data suggested that Montenegro remained primarily
a transit point for trafficked women and children and, to
a lesser extent, a destination. According to local NGOs,
victims likely originated from Romania, Ukraine, Moldova,
Bulgaria, and Russia, often passing through Belgrade and
on to Kosovo or Albania, where they continued on to Italy
and other western European countries. Trafficking had increased
steadily since 1999; however, since January, there was a
decline in the reports of trafficked persons to NGOs and
international organizations such as the IOM. The Podgorica
shelter, Safe Women's House, accommodated approximately 49
women between its opening in 2001 and the end of 2002; however,
in the first 9 months of the year, it housed only 9 women.
Precise figures on the number of women and children trafficked
through Montenegro were not available.
Information regarding the latest methods of recruitment
or entrapment of trafficked women was not readily available;
however, NGOs reported that, as in the past, victims often
responded to employment advertisements for jobs abroad as
babysitters, hairdressers, maids, waitresses, models, or
dancers. According to the International Helsinki Federation,
although some women may have been aware that they were going
to work in the sex industry, they often were unaware of the
slavery-like conditions they might face. Many women were
sold several times in different countries to different nightclub
owners. Their passports often were confiscated. Women reported
being beaten and raped by their traffickers. There were allegations
that some authorities have colluded in trafficking by taking
bribes, although the Government denied such allegations.
The highly publicized S.C. case and police crackdowns on
nightclubs and brothels may have forced the sex industry
into a lower profile. Women's organizations reported a decline
in requests for help by trafficked women, which they attributed
to the removal of women from bars and nightclubs to brothels
set up in private residences, where they had less opportunity
to escape or be discovered.
A protocol signed by the MUP and two local NGOs in 2002
provides procedures for protecting trafficking victims by
distinguishing them from prostitutes and illegal migrants,
as well as procedures for referring victims to appropriate
social services; however, according to local NGOs, law enforcement
authorities continued to mishandle some cases involving potential
victims. In February, authorities transferred a Romanian
woman found in Bar to a detention center in Belgrade. She
was later found to be a victim of trafficking and transferred
to the shelter in Belgrade. The Government repatriates victims;
a number of international donors funded repatriation through
the IOM.
International organizations sponsored police training in
methods of dealing with human trafficking. Local NGOs, with
the support of international donor funding, opened a shelter
for trafficking victims and a 24-hour hotline in Podgorica.
General awareness of the problem improved following internationally
sponsored public awareness campaigns conducted throughout
the country.
Srbija i Crna Gora
Izveštaj o stanju ljudskih prava po zemljama za 2003.
Objavila Kancelarija za demokratiju, ljudska prava i rad
25. februar 2004.
Državna zajednica Srbija i Crna Gora (SCG) je ustavna republika
koja se sastoji od relativno velike Republike Srbije i mnogo
manje Republike Crne Gore. Marta 2002. godine, ove dve republike
su uz posredovanje Evropske unije usvojile Beogradski sporazum
kojim su prihvatile redefinisanje zajedničke države. Skupština
SRJ je 4. ferbuara usvojila Ustavnu povelju i Zakon o njenom
sprovođenju, što je označilo kraj Savezne Republike Jugoslavije
i nastanak državne zajednice Srbija i Crna Gora. U toj novoj
državi, gotovo sva ovlašćenja prenešena su na te dve republike.
Odgovornosti Vlade državne zajednice u suštini su ograničene
na Ministarstvo inostranih poslova, vojsku SCG (bivšu VJ),
ljudska i manjinska prava i ekonomske i trgovinske veze s
inostranstvom. Krajem godine, konstituisan je sudstvo SCG.
Vojska je preko ministra odbrane podređena Vrhovnom savetu
odbrane (VSO), čiji su članovi sa pravom glasa predsednik
državne zajednice SCG i predsednici dve republike. Posle
ubistva Zorana Đinđića, vojska je u velikoj meri depolitizovana
i u njoj je sprovedena brza reforma. Vrhovni savet odbrane
razrešio je 26 od oko 65 viših oficira i stavio je Generalštab
pod kontrolu civilnog ministra odbrane. (Ranije je Ministarstvo
odbrane delovalo samo kao administrativni »privezak« Generalštaba.)
Ministar odbrane je zamenio šefove dve vojne obaveštajne
službe, preusmerio vojnu službu bezbednosti sa politike na
njen zvanični zadatak, borbu protiv kriminala i kontrašpijunažu
i podredio ju je svom ministarstvu. (Vojna služba bezbednosti
ranije je nezvanično bila odgovorna isključivo najvišim političkim
rukovodiocima.) Posle ubistva Zorana Đinđića, Vlada je raspustila
»Crvene beretke« (Jedinicu za specijalne operacije, ili JSO);
ova paravojna jedinica stare tajne policije koja je potpadala
pod resor državne bezbednosti (RDB), bila je umešana u to
ubistvo.
Privreda se nalazi u procesu tranzicije iz sistema zasnovanog
na društvenoj svojini u tržišni sistem, koji obuhvata industriju,
poljoprivredu i uslužne delatnosti. U Srbiji, bez Kosova,
živi 7,5 miliona stanovnika. Realni bruto domaći proizvod
(BDP) SCG porastao je 2002. za 4%; Međunarodni monetarni
fond predviđao je rast BDP od 3% za tu godinu. Raspodela
nacionalnog dohotka i ekonomske mogućnosti bili su neujednačeni.
Siromaštvo i nezaposlenost bili su najviši na jugu Srbije,
kao i među izbeglicama iz ratova u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, odnosno
interno raseljenim licima s Kosova.
U Srbiji postoji parlamentarni sistem državne uprave, na
čijem čelu se nalazio predsednik Vlade Zoran Živković, koji
je na taj položaj došao u martu, posle ubistva premijera
Zorana Đinđića. Po mišljenju Organizacije za evropsku bezbednost
i saradnju (OEBS), parlamentarni izbori održani 28. decembra
bili su uglavnom slobodni i pošteni. Nova višestranačka skupština
nije bila konstituisana do kraja godine. Ustav Srbije predviđa
nezavisno sudstvo; međutim, sudstvo je često bilo podložno
političkom uticaju i korupciji i bilo je neefikasno.
Iako civilne vlasti uopšteno održavaju efikasnu kontrolu
policijskih snaga, bilo je slučajeva da neki njihovi delovi
funkcionišu nezavisno od državnih vlasti. Ministarstvo unutrašnjih
poslova kontroliše srpsku policiju zaduženu za unutrašnju
bezbednost. Bezbednosno-informativna agencija (BIA) nalazi
se pod kontrolom Vlade, što u stvari omogućava da je kontroliše
predsednik Vlade. Neki pripadnici policijskih snaga kršili
su ljudska prava.
Vlada je uglavnom poštovala ljudska prava svojih građana;
međutim, u nekim oblastima bilo je problema koji su se pojačali
kada je u martu, posle ubistva predsednika Vlade, uvedeno
vanredno stanje u trajanju od 42 dana. Policija je povremeno
tukla pritvorena lica i zlostavljala građane. Policija je
ostvarila rezultate u istragama ubistava visokih funkcionera,
počinjenih za vreme i posle Miloševićeve vladavine. Bilo
je slučajeva proizvoljnog hapšenja i zadržavanja u pritvoru.
Sudovi su i dalje bili podložni političkom uticaju. Slaba
saradnja između sudova i drugih organa vlasti usporila je
sprovođenje reforme pravosuđa. Sudovi su u administrativnom
smislu i dalje paralizovani, a sudski procesi se i dalje
odugovlače. Usvojen je zakon na osnovu kojeg je osnovan specijalni
domaći sud za ratne zločine i imenovan je specijalni tužilac.
Nezavisnost medija bila je problem; privatne tužbe za klevetu,
uključujući i tužbe od strane aktivnih političara, i indirektne
političke manipulacije doprinele su samocenzuri među novinarima.
Skupština Srbije i Crne Gore usvojila je izmene Zakona o
saradnji sa Međunarodnim krivičnim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju,
što je dovelo do četiri dobrovoljne predaje optuženih, kao
i hapšenja i prebacivanja u Hag još petorice. Vlada je dostavila
veliki broj dokumenata Tribunalu i oslobodila svedoke obaveze
čuvanja državne tajne kako bi mogli da svedoče; međutim,
Tribunal je i dalje nezadovoljan opštim nivoom saradnje Srbije
i Crne Gore, posebno zato što veruje da se jedan od ključnih
optuženika koji je još na slobodi, general Mladić, nalazi
u Srbiji.
Dogodilo se nekoliko slučajeva socijalnog nasilja i diskriminacije
verskih manjina. Nasilje i diskriminacija kada su u pitanju
žene, Romi i druge etničke manjine predstavljali su problem.
Ilegalna trgovina ženama i decom i dalje je bila problem,
a Vlada je u tom smislu preduzela mere time što je u krivični
zakon uključila i trgovinu ljudima.
Značajni dokazi ukazuju na to da je 12. marta grupa nacionalista,
pripadnika paravojnih jednica i članova organizovanog kriminala
ubila srpskog predsednika Vlade Zorana Đinđića, što je trebalo
da bude prvi korak u neuspešnom pokušaju da se sruši Vlada.
U skladu sa Ustavom i zakonima, Đinđićevi naslednici su odmah
uveli vanredno stanje i pokrenuli opsežnu akciju protiv te
paravojne jedinice i pripadnika organizovanog kriminala,
koji su navodno ubili predsednika Vlade. Uvođenje vanrednog
stanja u trajanju od šest nedelja uživalo je široku podršku
građana i nekih međunarodnih organizacija, uključujući i
OEBS. Pred beogradskim Specijalnim sudom za borbu protiv
organizovanog kriminala je 22. decembra otpočelo suđenje
većini zaverenika odgovornih za ubistvo, uključujući i neposrednog
počinioca zločina.
Tokom vanrednog stanja bilo je privedeno više od 10.000
osoba. Kada je 22. aprila ukinuto, u pritvoru je ostalo još
oko 4.500 lica; a krajem godine u pritvoru ih je bilo još
oko 2.000. Posle ukidanja vanrednog stanja javile su se brojne
optužbe u vezi s brutalnošću policije i lošim postupkom,
uključujući i korišćenje mučenja kako bi se iznudila priznanja.
Vlada, koja je većinu pritvorenih držala u izolaciji, bez
pristupa advokata ili izvođenja pred sud, odbacila je ove
optužbe. Vlada je takođe povećala ograničenja u vezi s medijima,
pravo na privatnost i pravo udruživanja tokom tog perioda.
POŠTOVANJE LJUDSKIH PRAVA
Odeljak 1 Poštovanje integriteta ličnosti, koje ne dozvoljava:
a. Proizvoljno i nezakonito lišavanje života
Nije prijavljen ni jedan slučaj političkog ubistva od strane
Vlade ili njenih predstavnika; međutim, policijske snage
su ubile devet osoba.
Dana 7. marta policija je otvorila vatru i ubila dva pripadnika
tzv. Albanske nacionalne armije (ANA), koji su pokušali da
postave bombu u blizini administrativne granice s Kosovom.
Predstavnici vlasti zaključili su da je otvaranje vatre bilo
opravdano, stoga što su osumnjičeni pružili otpor prilikom
hapšenja.
Dana 12. marta, pripadnici »Crvenih beretki« - samostalne
jedinice državne bezbednosti zaostale iz vremena bivšeg predsednika
Jugoslavije Miloševića - ubile su u dosluhu s kriminalnom
grupom »zemunski klan« predsednika Vlade Đinđića. Suđenje
četrdeset četvorici otuženih za to ubistvo počelo je 22.
decembra.
Dana 27. marta policijski organi su ubili Dušana Spasojevića
»Šiptara« i Milana Lukovića - umešanih u atentat na Đinđića
- u razmeni vatre do koje je došlo dok su se ova dvojica
odupirala hapšenju. Međutim, bilo je tvrdnji da je policija
ovu dvojicu ubila pošto su se već našli u pritvoru.
Dana 30. septembra jedan pripadnik BIA iz Niša, nekadašnji
pripadnik policijskih snaga na Kosovu, navodno je pucao i
ubio četvoro, a ranio troje svojih kolega. On je uhapšen
i čeka suđenje koje će otpočeti krajem godine.
Došlo je do izvesnih pomaka u policijskim istragama političkih
ubistava iz prethodnih godina. U Specijalnom sudu za borbu
protiv organizovanog kriminala, u Beogradu je 16. septembra
počeo proces protiv dvojice bivših pripadnika policije i
još pet lica (uključujući i dva kojima se sudi u odsustvu)
za ubistvo policijskog generala Boška Buhe počinjenog 2002.
godine. Svedočenje jednog bivšeg policijskog inspektora iz
Beograda na dan 17. decembra, podstaklo je ozbiljne sumnje
da je policija optuženima »namestila« ubistvo Buhe, kako
bi pokrila druge kriminalce, koji su u vreme kada je Buha
ubijen bili povezani s Vladom, uključujući Milorada Lukovića
Legiju, optuženog za organizovanje ubistva Zorana Đinđića.
Dana 28. marta, državni organi su otkrili posmrtne ostatke
bivšeg predsednika Srbije Ivana Stambolića, koji je nestao
2000. godine. Specijalni tužilac za organizovani kriminal
podigao je septembra optužnicu u novom beogradskom Specijalnom
sudu za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala za ovo krivično
delo, kao i za pokušaj ubistva lidera SPO-a Vuka Draškovića
iz 2000. (videti Odeljak 1.e). Među optuženima se nalaze
Milorad Luković Legija, Slobodan Milošević, bivši šef RDB
Radomir Marković, bivši načelnik Generalštaba VG Nebojša
Pavković i bivši zamenik šefa RDB Milorad Bracanović.
Dana 30. januara, bivši šef RDB Radomir Marković osuđen
je na sedam godina zatvora zbog ubistva četiri osobe prilikom
neuspešnog atentata na Vuka Draškovića 1999. godine. Međutim,
30. septembra, pošto su se pojavili dokazi da su u taj napad
bile uključene i druge osobe, Vrhovni sud je poništio presudu
okružnog suda, što je omogućilo pokretanje novog procesa
koji bi uključio i nove optužene.
Domaći sudovi i Međunarodni krivični sud nastavili su da
rešavaju slučajeve u vezi sa zločinima počinjenim od 1991.
do 1999, tokom sukoba na Kosovu i u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, uključujući
suđenje pred Tribunalom bivšem predsedniku SRJ Slobodanu
Miloševiću (videti Odeljke 1.e i 4).
Tokom ove godine, niko nije poginuo od nagaznih mina.
b. Nestanak lica
Nije prijavljen nijedan slučaj politički motivisanog nestanka.
Tokom ove godine, predstavnici vlasti Srbije i Crne Gore
kao i Republike Srbije nastavili su saradnju sa susednim
zemljama i međunarodnim organizacijama kako bi se identifikovale
nestale osobe i istražile grobnice otkrivene u Srbiji.
Tokom godine nisu obavljene ekshumacije zbog toga što Komisija
za nestala lica Srbije i Crne Gore, koja je zamenila Komisiju
za nestala lica SRJ, nije bila osnovana do novembra; međutim,
predstavnici vlasti i dalje ostvaruju napredak u identifikaciji
ekshumiranih tela. Srpske vlasti su 2002. ekshumirale poslednja
tela iz masovnih grobnica otkrivenih 2001; u grobnicama su
se nalazila tela za koja se pretpostavljalo da pripadaju
etničkim Albancima ubijenim na Kosovu i prebačenim u Srbiju
1999. Posle identifikacije posmrtnih ostataka, srpske vlasti
su tokom godine vratile na Kosovo oko 186 tela. Srpske vlasti,
koje sarađuju s međunarodnim organizacijama i Međunarodnom
komisijom za nestala lica, do kraja godine nisu završile
identifikaciju posmrtnih ostataka i njihovu predaju.
Otpočelo je traganje za telima za koja se misli da se nalaze
na dnu jezera Perućac u istočnoj Srbiji. Jedna druga istraga
je pokazala da se nijedno telo ne nalazi ispod autoputa u
blizini Vranja, gde se sumnjalo da postoje grobnice.
c. Mučenje i drugi vidovi svirepog, nehumanog, ili ponižavajućeg
postupanja ili kažnjavanja
Srpski zakoni kao i zakoni državne zajednice, zabranjuju
ovakvu praksu; međutim, policija je povremeno zlostavljala
građane i pritvorene, posebno u vreme vanrednog stanja, od
12. marta do 22. aprila.
Neki od zatvaranih tokom vanrednog stanja kasnije su tvrdili
da ih je policija u pritvoru tukla kako bi im iznudila izjave.
Prijavljeni vidovi mučenja uključuju: gušenje pomoću plastične
kese, elektrošokove i lažna pogubljenja. Institut za izveštavanje
o ratu i miru sa sedištem u Londonu prijavio je da je policija
13. marta uhapsila vlasnika restorana Milana Vukovića i odvela
ga u policijsku stanicu u ulici 29. novembra u Beogradu.
Vuković je kasnije svedočio da mu je tokom jednomesečnog
pritvora maskirani policajac dva puta navlačio plastičnu
kesu na glavu i da ju je probušio tek pošto je bilo očigledno
da je počeo da se guši. Prema Vukoviću, policija je od njega
zahtevala da prizna da je trgovac drugom, iznuđivač i ilegalni
prodavac oružja, kao i da se bavio ilegalnom trgovinom naftom,
cigaretama i stranom valutom. Vuković je kasnije pušten bez
podizanja optužnice.
Sandra Petrović je obavestila »Amnesti internešenal« da
su njen muž Goran Petrović i brat Igor Gajić uhapšeni u Kruševcu
14. marta i držani u pritvoru do 13. maja bez prava da bilo
s kim komuniciraju. Tokom tog perioda, policija ih je navodno
mučila kako bi im iznudila priznanja. Gospođa Petrović je
prijavila da je Goran Petrović posle petnaestodnevnog pritvora
u Kruševcu prebačen u zatvor u Ćupriji, odakle ga je policija
odvela u obližnju šumu, zalepila mu kesu preko glave i toliko
ga pretukla da se, kada ga je videla 13. maja, i dalje teško
kretao. Prema gospođi Petrović, policija je podvrgavala torturi
i Igora Gajića; on je mučen elektrošokovima posle polivanja
vodom i takođe je odvođen u šumu, gde su mu lepili kesu preko
glave i tukli ga. Policija je tvrdila da ne postoje provereni
slučajevi zlostavljanja, koji su se navodno dogodili tokom
vanrednog stanja. Do kraja godine tužilaštva još nisu reagovala
na tužbe podnete od strane nevladinih organizacija u ime
pojedinaca koji su tvrdili da su bili mučeni u pritvoru tokom
vanrednog stanja.
S obzirom na to da pritvoreni za vreme vanrednog stanja
uopšteno nisu ni sa kim komunicirali, posmatrači zaduženi
za ljudska prava uglavnom nisu mogli direktno da posvedoče
o mučenjima. Najvažniji izuzetak u pogledu zabrane komuniciranja
sa pritvorenima predstavljala je poseta od strane predstavnika
OEBS-a 14-15. aprila, kao i predstavnika Visokog komesara
za ljudska prava UN; oni su obišli tri glavna mesta na kojima
su se pritvoreni nalazili (beogradsku policijsku stanicu
u ulici 29. novembra, beogradski Centralni zatvor i beogradski
Vojni zatvor). Ove dve organizacije izvestile su da su tokom
obilaska dva zatvora u kojima su se nalazili pritvoreni,
svi s kojima su razgovarali dosledno izjavljivali da je zatvorsko
osoblje s njima korektno postupalo. Međutim, u izveštaju
je takođe zabeležno da je »delegacija prilikom posete čula
optužbe, odnosno na dvojici optuženih videla znake mučenja,
ili lošeg postupanja tokom hapšenja«.
Batinanje i drugi vidovi fizičkog zlostavljanja od strane
policije najčešće su se dešavali tokom hapšenja, ili na početku
pritvora, a žrtve takvog zlostavljanja obično su bili sitni
kriminalci. Bilo je malo izveštaja da je policija koristila
batine i pretnje da bi odvratila pritvorene od žalbi u vezi
sa zlostavljanjem u prethodnim slučajevima. Avgusta meseca,
jedan čovek je prijavio Centru za humanitarno pravo da ga
je policija tokom tridesetodnevnog pritvora svakodnevno tukla
kako bi ga naterala da povuče prethodnu tužbu zbog policijske
brutalnosti.
Policija je takođe navodno koristila batine da bi iznudila
priznanja. Fond za humanitarno pravo podneo je krivičnu prijavu
protiv neidentifikovanih pripadnika policije u Čačku, u kojoj
se tvrdi da su 21. maja, u pokušaju da iznude priznanje u
vezi s pljačkom, policajci pretili Željku Popoviću, šamarali
ga i udarili preko usta tako da su mu izbili tri zuba.
Kao i 2002. godine, bilo je malo prijavljenih slučajeva
u vezi sa zlostavljanjem pripadnika albanske manjine na jugu
Srbije. Napredak se u velikoj meri može pripisati raspoređivanju
400 pripadnika multietničke policije u celoj toj oblasti
(v. Odeljak 1.d).
Avgusta 2002. policija u Vranju pretukla je Nenada Tasića
koji je tom prilikom pretrpeo sledeće povrede: polomljena
rebra, probušeno plućno krilo i teško oštećenje mozga. Fond
za humanitarno pravo pokrenuo je građansku parnicu kojom
se traži nadoknada; slučaj je dospeo na sud, ali presuda
do kraja godine još nije izrečena. Poseban krivični postupak
je još uvek trajao krajem godine.
Odbor za ljudska prava u Leskovcu prijavio je tokom godine
više od sto slučajeva navodnog zlostavljanja od strane lokalne
policije. Marta 2002, leskovačka policija je navodno izbatinala
Roma Nebojšu Majlića koji je imao lisice na rukama, zbog
čega je izgubio svest; policija je kasnije podnela krivičnu
prijavu protiv Majlića zbog ometanja policije u vršenju službene
dužnosti. Krajem godine, suđenje Majliću još nije bilo počelo.
Uslovi u zatvorima uopšteno su odgovarali međunarodnim standardima;
međutim, uslovi su u velikoj meri varirali u zavisnosti od
institucije. Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava navodi da su
neki zatvori čisti, a uslovi života zatvorenika bezbedni;
međutim, u nekima - posebno u zatvorskoj bolnici u Beogradu
u kojoj se nalaze psihijatrijski slučajevi - zatvorenici
su prinuđeni da žive u prljavim i nehumanim uslovima. Kvalitet
hrane varirao je od loše do jedva prihvatljive, a zdravstvena
zaštita je često bila neadekvatna. Osnovni programi obrazovanja
i stručne obuke postoje u većini zatvora, ali su zbog nedostataka
sredstava ograničeni. Nivo obuke čuvara nije bio adekvatan.
Muškarci i žene su bili smešteni odvojeno. Maloletnici bi
trebalo da budu odvojeni od odraslih, ali se to u praksi
uvek ne poštuje. Pritvorenici su tokom istražnog postupka
bili odvojeni od lica kojima je izrečena presuda. Neki zatvorenici
su se žalili da im drugi zatvorenici ponekad prete, a povremeno
izlostavljaju. Oni su mogli da prijave te probleme zatvorskom
osoblju ili okružnom sudu; zatvorske vlasti uopšteno reaguju
tako što ih razmeštaju u odvojene prostorije, a povremeno
preduzimaju disciplinske mere kao što su zatvaranje prestupnika
u samice. U zatvorima je bilo smrtnih slučajeva, zbog ubistava
među zatvorenicima, prirodnih uzroka i bar jednog slučaja
samoubistva.
Predstavnici vlasti su dozvolili Međunarodnom komitetu Crvenog
krsta i nezavisnim lokalnim posmatračima koji prate stanje
ljudskih prava, uključujući i Helsinški odbor, da posete
zatvore u celoj zemlji i da bez prisustva čuvara razgovaraju
sa zatvorenicima. Predstavnici vlasti suspendovali su posete
zatvorima od strane tih lokalnih posmatrača tokom vanrednog
stanja; međutim, predstavnici OEBS-a i Kancelarije visokog
komesara UN za ljudska prava (OHCHR) posetili su u tom periodu
dva centra u kojima su se nalazili pritvoreni.
Bilo je izveštaja da su u Srbiji svedoci i potencijalni
svedoci koji su sarađivali s Međunarodnim krivičnim sudom
za bivšu Jugoslaviju bili izloženi pretnjama ili ponižavanjima
(videti Odeljak 4).
d. Proizvoljno hapšenje, držanje u pritvoru, ili proterivanje
Ustav zabranjuje proizvoljno hapšenje i držanje u pritvoru,
a vlasti su uglavnom, izuzev u vreme vanrednog stanja, poštovale
ove zabrane.
Oko 23.000 policajaca pripada sektoru javne bezbednosti
Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova (MUP). Sektor je podeljen
u sedam uprava: uniformisanu policiju (uključujući saobraćajce
i saobraćajne patrole), kriminalističku policiju, upravu
za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala, analitičku službu,
jedinicu za specijalne operacije (uključujući žandarmeriju
i specijalnu antiterorističku jedinicu, ili SAJ), upravu
za ljudske resurse i obuku i pograničnu policiju. Policija
je regionalno podeljena na 33 sekretarijata. Sve opštinske
i oblasne jedinice predstavljaju ogranke republičke policije.
Efikasnost policije nije ujednačena i uopšteno je ograničena
zbog nedovoljne obuke, nekvalitetne forenzičke službe i niskog
obrazovnog nivoa mnogih policajaca. Uprkos tome što je posle
smene vlasti u oktobru 2000, u vrhu MUP-a došlo do promena,
mnogi službenici policije, uključujući i neke na veoma visokim
položajima, predstavljaju ostatke Miloševićevog režima. Iako
su policajci većinom Srbi, u policijskim snagama ima Bošnjaka,
Albanaca i pripadnika drugih manjina. Multietničke snage
na jugu Srbije sastavljane su prvenstveno od Albanaca i Srba.
Postojala su samo ograničena institucionalna sredstva za
nadzor i kontrolu ponašanja policije. Septembra je u MUP-u
postavljen generalni inspektor sa izvršnim ovlašćenjima;
međutim, na kraju godine, njegove mogućnosti da sprovodi
istrage još uvek su bile ograničene. U aprilu je na inicijativu
ministra za ljudska i manjinska prava ustanovljena direktna
telefonska linija za prijavljivanje zloupotreba od strane
policije i drugih slučajeva. Do kraja godine registrovano
je preko 2.000 poziva. Srpska vlada nije ponudila nikakav
drugi vid pomoći građanima koji imaju primedbe na ponašanje
policije; međutim, građani su mogli da traže zadovoljenje
na sudovima.
Prema podacima MUP-a, od januara od kraja juna, u MUP-u
su pokrenuta 762 disciplinska postupka za kojima su usledili
hapšenje 17 policajaca, pokretanje 271 krivične prijave protiv
158 policajaca i 123 suspenzije. Navedeni brojevi uključuju
4 slučaja nezakonite primene sile, tri u Sremskoj Mitrovici
i jedan u Užicu. Tri policajca u Sremskoj Mitrovici bila
su suspendovana tokom disciplinskog postupka. Kazne koje
se izriču policajcima retko su bile duže od šest meseci zatvora,
a presuda im je često dozvoljavala da se bez obzira na utvrđenu
krivicu u pogledu kršenja ljudskih prava, ponovo vrate u
službu. Tokom godine, MUP je uveo etički kodeks za policiju,
ali nikakve sankcije nisu predviđene za prekršioce.
Sudovi povremeno presuđuju da država plati odštetu zbog
zloupotrebe od strane policije. U martu je Prvi opštinski
sud u Beogradu presudio da Republika Srbija treba da plati
oko 1.780 dolara (100.000 dolara) Bojanu Aleksovu na ime
odštete za nezakonito pritvaranje i mučenje 2000. godine.
Održavanje reda i mira na nivou lokalnih zajednica uvedeno
je tokom godine. Misija OEBS-a u SCG obučila je polaznike
policijskih škola u Srbiji savremenoj policijskoj taktici
u Međunarodnom centru za policijsku obuku u Mitrovom Polju.
Zakon o krivičnom postupku predviđa stroge propise u cilju
zaštite prava pritvorenih i optuženih lica, uključujući zabranu
preteranog odlaganja podizanja zvanične optužnice protiv
osumnjičenih i pokretanja istrage; međutim, do takvih odlaganja
stalno dolazi (v. Odeljak 1.e).
Vreme od podizanja optužnice do zaključenja prvostepenog
suđenja zakon ograničava na dve godine; žalbe drugostepenim
sudovima moraju se rešiti u roku od jedne godine. Osoba koja
je greškom držana u pritvoru može da zahteva rehabilitaciju
i odštetu od države. Kaucija je dozvoljena, ali se retko
koristi; pritvorenici koji čekaju podizanje optužnice u skladu
sa kojom se može izreći zatvorska kazna u trajanju manjem
od pet godina, mogu da budu pušteni uz pismenu obavezu da
će se pojaviti pred sudom. Usled neefikasnosti sudova, potrebno
je isuviše mnogo vremena da bi predmeti došli na sud; a onda
kada suđenje otpočne, potrebno je isuviše mnogo vremena da
se okonča.
Policija u određenim slučajevima ima ovlašćenja da hapsi
bez naloga koji je odobrio sudija, uključujući čvrsto zasnovanu
sumnju da je neko lice izvršilo najteži zločin. Istražni
sudija mora da odobri svaki pritvor koji traje duže od 48
sati, a uhapšene osobe moraju odmah da budu obaveštene o
svojim pravima, uključujući pravo na poverljiv razgovor s
advokatom. Članovima porodice obično je dozvoljeno da posećuju
osobe u pritvoru. Bez odluke istražnog sudije, nijedno lice
ne može da bude zadržano u pritvoru duže od tri meseca, a
niko ne može da bude zadržan duže od šest meseci. Zakon brani
upotrebu sile, pretnje, obmane i prinude, isto kao i korišćenje
na sudu dokaza prikupljenih na taj način. Tokom vanrednog
stanja, davana su mnoga lažna ili neostvarena obećanja u
vezi sa odobravanjem statusa zaštićenog svedoka - što bi
uključivalo odustajanje od nekih optužbi - kako bi se pritvoreni
podstakli da daju izjave. Iskazi osumnjičenih validni su
na sudu samo ukoliko su dati u prisustvu advokata, kao i
istražnog sudije, ili tužioca. Tokom vanrednog stanja, ponekad
su se samo radi uzimanja izjave pojavljivali advokati naimenovani
od strane suda, koje optuženi nisu poznavali.
Posebne mere koje je Vlada primenjivala tokom vanrednog
stanja uključivale su i suspenziju prava na advokata i odobrenje
policiji da svaku osobu »koja ugrožava bezbednost drugih
građana ili bezbednost Republike« zadrži u pritvoru do 30
dana. Dana 11. aprila, kada je isticao tridesetodnevni pritvor
osobama koje su pritvorene na početku vanrednog stanja, Skupština
je izglasala nove mere kojima je odobren pritvor do 90 dana;
međutim, Ustavni sud je 5. juna taj zakon proglasio neustavnim,
tako da ga je 1. jula Skupština ukinula. U praksi, 10.000
osoba pritvorenih tokom vanrednog stanja uglavnom nisu mogle
ni sa kim da stupe u kontakt, uključujući advokate i članove
porodice. Pored toga, mnogi od pritvorenih tokom vanrednog
stanja nikada nisu izvedeni pred sudiju. Međutim, oni što
su kasnije ostali u zatvoru bili su izvedeni pred sudiju.
Prijavljeno je nekoliko slučajeva da je policija privodila
novinare na »informativne razgovore« (videti Odeljak 2.a).
Ustav zabranjuje prisilno proterivanje, što Vlada nije ni
činila.
e. Uskraćivanje pravičnog javnog suđenja
Ustav predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim, sudovi su ostali
podložni korupciji i političkom uticaju, mada mnogo manje
nego u vreme bivšeg Miloševićevog režima.
Sudski sistem sastoji se od opštinskih i okružnih sudova,
Vrhovnog suda, Ustavnog suda i specijalnih sudova za ratne
zločine i organizovani kriminal. Ustavni sud odlučuje o ustavnosti
zakona i propisa i oslanja se na vlasti da sprovode njegove
odluke. Zakon o sudovima predviđa osnivanje jednog administrativnog
apelacionog suda i jednog drugostepenog apelacionog suda
kako bi se rasteretio Vrhovni sud. Međutim, do kraja godine
ovi sudovi nisu konstituisani.
Sudovi su bili izuzetno neefikasni - mogu da budu potrebne
godine da bi se slučajevi rešili - a drugi zvanični kanali
za alternativno rešavanje sporova ne postoje. Međutim, Vlada
i pravosudni organi ostvarili su izvestan napredak u sprovođenju
obimnih organizacionih reformi predviđenih zakonima o sudovima,
sudijama i javnim tužiocima iz 2001.
Zakon o lustraciji, usvojen u junu, ne dozvoljava da iko
ko je kršio ljudska prava u periodu posle 1976. godine obavlja
javnu funkciju u periodu od 2-5 godina, u zavisnosti od ozbiljnosti
prekršaja; međutim, zakon do kraja godine nije sproveden
u delo.
U skladu sa zakonom o sudovima, tokom godine su počela da
funkcionišu dva nova tela - Visoko sudsko veće, u čiji sastav
ulaze sudije Vrhovnog suda i koje postavlja sudije, kao i
Visoko personalno veće, koje kažnjava i otpušta sudije. Ovo
veće je uz odobrenje Skupštine otpustilo, ili prinudno penzionisalo
35 sudija, uglavnom posle ubistva Zorana Đinđića. Međutim,
nije bilo suđenja bivšim predsednicima sudova, ili sudijama
koji su tokom Miloševićevog režima počinili zloupotrebe.
Predsednik Vrhovnog suda, pod pritiskom Vlade, podneo je
ostavku u aprilu; međutim, u Vrhovnom sudu se i dalje većinom
nalaze sudije naimenovane od strane Miloševića, a i u Ustavnom
sudu se još nalaze neke sudije postavljene u vreme Miloševićevog
režima. Zakon o sudijama predviđa stalnost radnog mesta sudija
i obavezan odlazak u penziju sa navršenih 65 godina života.
Centar za obuku sudija organizovao je programe za edukaciju
koji su bili dostupni u čitavoj zemlji. Međunarodne organizacije
i lokalne nevladine organizacije, uključujući Fond za humanitarno
pravo i Beogradski centar za ljudska prava, takođe su tokom
godine organizovali obuku za sudije.
Zakon predviđa da se optuženi smatraju nevinima i da imaju
pravo na advokata po službenoj dužnosti, ukoliko je to potrebno,
koji će prisustvovati suđenjima. Sudovi po potrebi moraju
da obezbede prevodioce. I odbrana i tužilaštvo imaju pravo
da ulože žalbu na presudu. Optuženi imaju pravo na uvid u
dokazni materijal koji poseduje država i na ispitivanje svedoka;
ova prava se u praksi uopšte ne poštuju.
Republički tužilac
je 2002. sproveo proveru svih javnih tužilaca, zamenika
javnih tužilaca i zaposlenih u tužilaštvu,
kako bi se utvrdila opšta kompetencija i prethodno ponašanje
uključujući i ono u Miloševićevom periodu. Kao rezultat ovoga,
skoro jedna trećina zaposlenih u javnom tužilaštvu bila je
prinudno penzionisana krajem 2002. Sam javni tužilac bio
je u aprilu prinuđen da podnese ostavku, a 6 okružnih tužilaca
(uključujući i okružnog tužioca za Beograd), kao i veliki
broj tužilaca nižeg ranga, bili su tokom godine otpušteni,
ili primorani da se povuku. Zamenik javnog tužioca Milan
Sarajlić, optužen da je bio na platnom spisku "zemunskog
klana", pušten je iz zatvora zbog slabog zdravlja; do
kraja godine njegovo suđenje još nije zakazano.
Sistem vojnih sudova Srbije i Crne Gore, nasleđen iz Titovog
vremena, pruža malo uvida u svoje delovanje. U skladu s Ustavnom
poveljom, ovaj sistem je završavao s radom, tako da se na
kraju godine u vojnim sudovima nisu vodili nikakvi procesi,
niti je bilo istražnih radnji. Sistem vojnih sudova zadržao
je jedan slučaj špijunaže, koji je bio istražen, ali suđenje
nije otpočelo do kraja godine. Posebna odeljenja okružnih
sudova u Beogradu i Podgorici, koja će preuzeti sve nove
slučajeve, nisu uspostavljena do kraja godine. Vrhovni vojni
sud je 20. oktobra osudio komandanta bataljona Dragišu Petrovića
na zatvorsku kaznu u trajanju od devet godina i rezerviste
Nenada Stamenkovića i Tomicu Jovića na po sedam godina, za
ubistvo jednog starijeg bračnog para, kosovskih Albanaca
Feriza i Rukiju Drasnići, 1999. godine. Ovaj sud je skoro
udvostručio kazne koje je 2002. izrekao Vojni sud u Nišu,
a posle preinačenja optužnice koja ih je teretila za ubistvo,
u optužnicu koja ih je teretila za ratni zločin protiv civilnog
stanovništva. Pored sistema vojnih sudova koji skoro ne funkcioniše,
jedini drugi zajednički sud, Sud državne zajednice SCG, do
kraja godine nije konstituisan. Ovaj sud treba da odlučuje
u sporovima između republika članica, ili između državne
zajednice i republika, isto kao i u vezi sa usklađenošću
republičkih zakona i zakona državne zajednice sa Ustavnom
poveljom; on takođe treba da reaguje na žalbe građana čija
prava ili slobode krši Ustavna povelja.
Nema nikakvih novih momenata u vezi sa slučajem 24 Bošnjaka
koji su 1993. osuđeni u političkom procesu za zločine protiv
države, a koji je 1996. vraćen na preispitivanje od strane
Vrhovnog suda.
Domaća suđenja po optužnicama za ratne zločine otpočela
su pred redovnim sudovima 2002. godine. Na dan 20. januara,
otpočelo je suđenje jednom od bivših pripadnika paravojne
srpske organizacije iz Bosne »Osvetnici« i trojici pripadnika
vojske bosanskih Srba zbog otmice, mučenja i ubistva 16 Muslimana
iz srpskog grada Sjeverina, 1992. godine. Sud je 29. septembra
osudio Đorđa Ševića na 15 godina zatvora, a Dragutina Dragićeviča,
Olivera Krsmanovića i Milana Lukića (optuženog i pred Međunarodnim
krivičnim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju) - dvojicu poslednjih
u odsustvu - na zatvorske kazne u trajanju od 20 godina;
u vreme izricanja presude to je bila maksimalna zatvorska
kazna.
Oktobra 2002, Aleksandar Saša Cvjetan izveden je pred Okružni
sud u Prokuplju zbog ubistva 19 Albanaca u Podujevu, na Kosovu,
marta 1999. Sud u Prokuplju osudio je u odsustvu i pripadnika
SAJ-a Dejana Demirovića, Cvjetanovog saučesnika u masakru.
Država je zatražila ekstradiciju Demirovića iz Kanade, koji
se tamo nalazi u zatvoru. Novembra 2002, navodeći zabrinutost
za bezbednost, pravičnost postupka i raspoloživost Albanaca
kao svedoka, Vrhovni sud je taj proces preneo iz Prokuplja
u Okružni sud u Beogradu, gde je postupak nastavljen početkom
godine, a krajem godine još nije bio završen.
Zakon o suzbijanju organizovanog kriminala predvideo je
polunezavisnog specijalnog tužioca, specijalnu policijsku
jedinicu za istrage, specijalnu zgradu suda kao i odgovarajuću
pritvornu jedinicu. Neki aktivisti za ljudska prava izrazili
su zabrinutost da bi proširena ovlašćenja specijalnih policijskih
snaga u vezi s istragama i pritvaranjem osumnjičenih mogla
da dovedu do zloupotreba. Prvo suđenje u ovom sudu otpočelo
je 16. septembra, kada je specijalni tužilac za organizovani
kriminal počeo s čitanjem optužnice protiv osumnjičenih za
ubistvo visokog policijskog funkcionera Boška Buhe (videti
Odeljak 1.a). Ovaj proces je krajem godine još bio u toku.
Skupština je u julu izglasala zakon o gonjenju počinilaca
ratnih zločina pred domaćim sudovima, na osnovu kojeg je
osnovan specijalni sud; međutim, do kraja godine ovaj sud
još nije bio otpočeo sa radom. Prvi procesi zakazani su za
mart 2004. Skupština je 22. jula naimenovala Vladimira Vukčevića
za specijalnog tužioca za ratne zločine. Ovaj specijalni
sud biće ogranak Okružnog suda u Beogradu; međutim, iz bezbednostnih
razloga on će koristiti objekte specijalnog suda za borbu
protiv organizovanog kriminala u Beogradu.
Međunarodni krivični sud za bivšu Jugoslaviju se pripremao
da prepusti državi gonjenje osoba nižeg ranga koje su učestvovale
u masakru u Vukovaru i obezbedio je dokaze za taj slučaj
za ministra pravde i specijalnog tužioca za ratne zločine,
koji je takođe počeo da prikuplja dokaze za taj slučaj.
Optuženima se može suditi u odsustvu. Beogradski Specijalni
sud za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala otpočeo je suđenje
u odsustvu Slobodanu Miloševiću, kome se sudi pred Međunarodnim
krivičnim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju, i Miloradu Lukoviću
Legiji, koji se nalazi u bekstvu, za ubistvo bivšeg predsednika
Srbije Ivana Stambolića i pokušaj ubistva Vuka Draškovića
2000. (videti Odeljak 1.a). Isti sud sudi Legiji u odsustvu
za ubistvo Zorana Đinđića. Nije bilo nikakvih pritvaranja
zasnovanih na suđenjima u odsustvu.
f. Proizvoljno ometanje privatnosti, porodice, doma ili
prepiske
Ustav ne dozvoljava navedene postupke; međutim, država je
povremeno kršila ova prava, posebno tokom vanrednog stanja.
Zakon omogućava MUP-u da odlučuje u vezi s nadziranjem potencijalne
kriminalne aktivnosti. Ustav predviđa ograničenja u vezi
s pretresom osoba i prostorija; policija mora da uđe u prostorije
s nalogom, izuzev u slučaju »spasavanja ljudi i imovine«.
Uz povremene izuzetke, država je u praksi uglavnom poštovala
ove odredbe. Tokom vanrednog stanja, Vlada je odobrila pretrese
bez naloga u slučajevima kada je postojala sumnja u aktivnosti
povezane sa organizovanim kriminalom.
Mnogi posmatrači su smatrali da su vlasti selektivno pratile
komunikacije i prisluškivale razgovore, čitale poštu i elektronsku
poštu i stavljale prislušne uređaje na telefone. Članovi
političkih stranaka, ne dajući nikakve direktne dokaze, optuživali
su druge stranke da koriste tajnu policiju i obaveštajnu
službu kako bi ih prisluškivale i tako stekle političku prednost.
Nije bilo izveštaja da je pošta tokom godine registrovala
i pratila sumnjive pošiljke iz inostranstva, kao što su neki
verovali da se to u prošlosti dešavalo; međutim, Vlada je
tokom vanrednog stanja suspendovala propise u vezi sa tajnošću
pisama i drugih vidova komunikacija.
Vlada nije održala svoje obećanje da će otvoriti za javnost
sve dosijee koji su bili vođeni u bivšim režimima. Iz malobrojnih
dosijea koji su na zahtev zaista predati pojedincima, bila
su odstranjena dokumenta koja bi mogla da sadrže osetljive
izveštaje.
Tokom godine, vlasti su raselile jedan broj Roma, uključujući
i decu, iz dva nehigijenska naselja (videti Odeljak 5).
Odeljak 2 Poštovanje građanskih sloboda, kao što su:
a. Sloboda govora i štampe
Zakon Srbije i Crne Gore, kao i srpski zakon, predviđaju
slobodu govora i štampe. Međutim, politički pritisci različitih
partija, nesigurno regulatorno okruženje i izloženost tužbama
za klevetu, ograničavali su slobodu izražavanja od strane
novinara, urednika i drugih predstavnika medija. Veliku pažnju
privukli su neki slučajevi u kojima je dolazilo do očiglednih
pritisaka na medije od strane predstavnika vlasti. Tokom
vanrednog stanja, Vlada je uvela znatna ograničenja medijima.
Nezavisnost medija i dalje je predstavljala problem. Neki
posmatrači veruju da je još uvek prisutan nedostatak jasnih
smernica stvorio atmosferu koja ne pogoduje slobodi izražavanja.
Neke medijske kuće su očigledno pokušavale da steknu naklonost
Vlade u nadi da će jednom kada u potpunosti budu primenenjeni
novi zakoni o reformi medija dobiti povoljan tretman; međutim,
medijske kuće su uopšteno obezbedile podjednak pristup svim
strankama koje su učestovale u kampanji za decembarske parlamentarne
izbore. Neke medijske kuće su sprovodile samocenzuru i nisu
bile voljne da izveštavaju o zločinima počinjenim tokom ratova
u Bosni, Hrvatskoj i na Kosovu. Televizijski izveštaji sa
suđenja Miloševiću pred Međunarodnim sudom u Hagu težili
su da budu nepotpuni ili defanzivni, uz značajan izuzetak
RTV B-92, koja uživo prenosi suđenje.
Selektivna privatizacija medija tokom Miloševićeve vlasti
ostavila je u zemlji mešavinu medijskih kuća koje su u privatnom
vlasništvu i medijskih kuća koje su u potpunosti, ili delimično
u vlasništvu države. Država je posedovala »Borbu«, s jednom
od najznačajnijih štamparija u zemlji, koja je izdavala dnevne
listove »Borba«, »Sport« i »Večernje novosti«. Najstariji
dnevni list u zemlji »Politika«, koju vodi nekoliko državnih
firmi, nalazi se pod uticajem Vlade, uprkos tome što je tokom
godine suvlasnik postao nemački medijski gigant WAZ. Štampani
mediji takođe uključuju nezavisni dnevni list »Danas«, nedeljenike
»Vreme« i »Nin«, visokotiražne tabloide »Blic« i »Glas javnosti«,
kao i druge listove.
Država je finansirala jedan list na mađarskom jeziku, a
RTS koji je u državnom vlasništvu, obezbedio je neke programe
na mađarskom jeziku. Tanjug je bio državna novinska agencija
na koju su se mnoge televizijske stanice oslanjale za dobijanje
vesti.
Zakon o radio-difuziji iz 2002. stvorio je regulatorni okvir
u cilju podsticanja slobodnih i nezavisnih medija. Taj zakon
je predvideo osnivanje jednog nezavisnog Radio-difuznog saveza
koji bi transformisao RTS u javni servis i raspodelio radio
i TV frekvencije. Radio-difuzni savet je osnovan tokom godine,
ali kršenje odredbi u vezi s naimenovanjem kandidata od strane
Skupštine narušilo je legitimitet tog saveta i dovelo do
ostavke dva člana. Savet je tokom godine otpočeo da radi
u ograničenoj meri.
RTS, koji se nalazi pod državnom kontrolom, bio je najprisutniji
u oblasti radija i televizije. Pored tri televizijska kanala
RTS-a, Vlada je imala znatan uticaj, mada ne i zvaničnu kontrolu,
nad nekoliko drugih važnih TV stanica, uključujući TV Politiku,
TV Novi Sad i YU Info (koji se ukida usled stečaja), isto
kao i nad tri programa Radio-Beograda. Izveštavanje RTS-a
uglavnom je bilo objektivno; međutim, RTS je povremeno ispoljavao
pristrasnost u odnosu na vladajuću koaliciju DOS. Na rukovodstvo
se moglo politički uticati pošto je Vlada postavljala glavne
i odgovorne urednike.
Dve druge važne privatne stanice, BK i TV Pink, koje su
u Miloševićevom režimu uživale povoljan tretman, uključujući
i frekvencije, proširile su pokrivenost. TV Pink, najgledanija
TV stanica u zemlji, pokazivala je posle 2000. godine uređivačku
pristrasnost u odnosu na Vladu. Pošto je Vlada odobrila RTV
B-92 privremenu dozvolu za emitovanje na teritoriji cele
republike do konačne raspodele frekvencija u 2002, ta medijska
kuća postavila je nove predajnike kako bi mogla da bude nacionalni
kanal koji bi konkurisao TV Pink i BK. Međutim, glavni i
odgovorni urednik B-92 Veran Matić prijavio je da ga je potpredsednik
Vlade Čedomir Jovanović upozorio da njegova kuća nikada neće
dobiti radio i TV frekvencije ukoliko ne promeni način izveštavanja.
Oko 300 nezavisnih TV i 700 nezavisnih radio stanica, morale
su da rade sa privremenim dozvolama, ili bez ikakve zakonske
osnove.
Tokom vanrednog stanja, Vlada je zabranila objavljivanje,
emitovanje ili širenje vesti u vezi s razlozima za uvođenje
vanrednog stanja, izuzev prenošenja zvaničnih saopštenja.
Sankcije uvedene za kršenje ove zabrane bile su novčane kazne
u iznosu od 915 do 9.150 dolara (50.000 - 500.000 dinara)
za pravna lica, odnosno 183 - 1.830 dolara (10.000-100.000
dinara) za odgovorno lice u medijskoj kući koja je počinila
prekršaj, a bila je moguća i privremena zabrana izdavanja
novina, ili emitovanja ako su u pitanju bili radio ili TV
programi. TV Leskovac bila je kažnjena sa 5.400 dolara (300.000
dinara) zbog kršenja uredbe o medijima u vreme vanrednog
stanja. Vlada je takođe privremeno zabranila i kaznila lokalnu
TV stanicu »Marš« sa 9.150 dolara (500.000 dinara), odnosno
sa 1.830 dolara (100.00 dinara) njenog direktora. U Srbiji
je tokom vanrednog stanja zabranjena distribucija crnogorskog
nedeljnika »Dan«.
Neke druge sankcije išle su dalje od predviđenih uredbama
o medijima. Tokom vanrednog stanja, Vlada je izrekla trajnu
zabranu za dva lista. Jedan je bio nedeljnik »Identitet«,
za koji se verovalo da ga delimično finansira Milorad Luković
Legija, pripadnik organizovanog kriminala i bivši zapovednik
»Crvenih beretki«, osumnjičen za ubistvo Zorana Đinđića.
Vlada je izrekla trajnu zabranu dnevnom listu »Nacional«
(koji je kasnije ponovo pokrenut pod imenom »Balkan«), tvrdeći
da je kampanja koja je u njemu vođena protiv Đinđića stvorila
»atmosferu linča« koja je »olakšala ubistvo«. Posle vanrednog
stanja, Vlada je zabranila jedno izdanje nedeljnika »Svedok«
zato što je objavljivao izvode iz jednog makedonskog novinskog
intervjua u kojem je glorifikovan Legija.
U zajedničkom pismu od 24. aprila, glavni i odgovorni urednici
najvećih medijskih kuća obratili su se Vladi kako bi prodiskutovali
uzroke tenzija koje su u ogromnoj meri narasle tokom vanrednog
stanja. U ovom pismu su kao zabrinjavajuće navedene sledeće
teme: ograničenja izveštavanja tokom vanrednog stanja, pretnje
nekih vladinih službenika urednicima i drugi vidovi uplitanja
Vlade. Na sastanku održanom početkom maja, glavni i odgovorni
urednici i predstavnici Vlade razmenili su mišljenja o vanrednom
stanju; Vlada se takođe složila da ukine porez od 20 odsto
na štampane medije.
Radio stanice koje su u vlasništvu gradskih vlasti, ili
koje organizuju gradske vlasti vršile su pritisak na lokalne
novinare da ne izveštavaju o njihovim problemima.
U nekoliko slučajeva policija je pozivala novinare na informativne
razgovore. Policija je pozvala Veselina Simonovića, glavnog
i odgovornog urednika »Blica«, i zatražila da identifikuje
jedan izvor. Isto tako, glavni i odgovorni urednik lista
»Blic News« Jovica Krtinić bio je pozvan da kaže policiji
ko mu je dao policijski dokument u vezi s jednom istragom
koja je bila u toku. Kao i u slučaju Simonovića, kada je
Krtinić odbio da to kaže, policija nije preuzela nikakve
dalje mere. Tokom godine, nije bilo izveštaja da su ekstremisti
napadali novinare. Prema ANEM-u, policija nije pokušala da
otkrije ko je tokom 2002. godine pretio uredniku »Blic News-a«
Željku Cvijanoviću.
Kleveta je i dalje krivično delo. Mada Vlada direktno nije
pokrenula nijedan postupak, nejasna granica u definisanju
klevete omogućila je pojedinim vladinim službenicima, kao
i nekadašnjim pripadnicima Miloševićevog režima, da dobiju
privatne sporove protiv medijskih kuća koje su ih kritikovale.
Kleveta može da rezultira zatvorskim kaznama, a sudovi imaju
ovlašćenje da izriču »uslovne kazne« koje ućutkuju novinare
zbog pretnje da bilo koji naredni prekršaj može da dovede
do trenutnog zatvaranja. Međutim, nije prijavljeno da su
novinarima izrečene »uslovne kazne«. Novembra meseca, ministar
unutrašnjih poslova Dušan Mihajlović tužio je za klevetu
Mlađana Dinkića iz stranke G-17+, koji je tvrdio da je Mihajlović
jednom od svojih preduzeća obezbedio lukrativan državni ugovor
sa svojim ministarstvom. Mihajlović je podneo sličnu tužbu
protiv Verice Barać, koja se nalazila na čelu Vladinog Saveta
za borbu protiv korupcije, a tužio je i glavne i odgovorne
urednike TV B-92 i dnevnih listova »Glas javnosti« i »Kurir«,
zato što su komentarisali tu tvrdnju, ili izveštavali u vezi
s njom. Do kraja godine tužilac nije preduzeo nikakve korake
u vezi sa ovim tužbama.
Tokom vanrednog stanja, šef Vladinog Biroa za komunikacije
Vladimir Beba Popović podneo je tužbu za klevetu i zahtev
za odštetu zbog pretrpljenog duševnog bola od oko 18.300-54.900
dolara (1-3 miliona dinara) protiv pet medijskih kuća koje
su osporavale njegov status šefa Vladinog biroa - dnevnih
listova »Večernje novosti« i »Blic News«, nedeljnika »Nin«
i »Vreme« i TV stanice B-92. »Večernje novosti« su platile
18.300 dolara (milion dolara), »Blic News« je platio 915
dolara (50.000 dinara) i sudske troškove u iznosu od 92 dolara
(5.000 dinara). Ostali slučajevi nisu bili okončani do kraja
godine.
Biznismen Dragan Tomić je 2002. godine pokrenuo postupak
zbog klevete protiv izveštača RTS-a Dragana Vasiljevića zato
što je u programu glasno pročitao Tomićeve bankovne izveštaje.
Tomić je kasnije povukao tužbu. Član Demokratske stranke
Radisav Ljubisavljević pokrenuo je 2002. postupak protiv
B-92 zato što je objavio javna saopštenja različitih političkih
stranaka u vezi sa njim. Krajem godine, on se sa B-92 dogovarao
o mogućem povlaćenju tužbe.
Prema Fondu za humanitarno pravo i Beogradskom centru za
ljudska prava, novinari su praktikovali samocenzuru zbog
eventualnih tužbi za klevetu i straha da ne uvrede javno
mnjenje, posebno kada su u pitanju teme u vezi s ratovima
u bivšoj Jugoslaviji.
Skupština je 22. aprila usvojila Zakon o javnom informisanju
koji obuhvata prava i obaveze medija. Zakon uređuje sledeće
oblasti: slobodu medija, zabranu cenzure, zabranu monopola
u medijima, zahteve za ispoljavanje potrebne marljivosti
u izveštavanju, smanjeno pravo na zaštitu privatnosti nosilaca
javnih funkcija i prava osoba koje se pominjaju u informacijama
koje se objavljuju. Pre usvajanja Skupština je dodala članove
zakona koji odobravaju zabranu širenja informacija u slučaju
da je potrebno sprečiti: pozive na nasilno rušenje ustavnog
poretka, podrivanje teritorijalnog integriteta Republike,
ratnu propagandu, ili podsticanje na nasilje, mržnju i diskriminaciju.
Vlada nije ograničila objavljivanje ili uvoz štampanog materijala.
Jehovini svedoci su izvestili da više nemaju problema sa
uvozom svoje verske literature.
Vlada nije ograničila pristup Internetu; međutim, bilo je
izveštaja da je selektivno pratila elektronsku poštu (videti
Odeljak 1.f).
Vlada nije ograničavala akademske slobode. Na osnovu Zakona
o univerzitetu iz 2002. donešenog da bi se univerziteti zaštitili
od političkog uticaja, ograničen je ulazak policije u univerzitetske
zgrade i ponovo je osnovan Prosvetni savet koji je Milošević
ukinuo 1998. Savet deluje na republičkom nivou i nalazi se
pod kontrolom Skupštine, a određuje opštu unverzitetsku politiku,
donosi neke administrativne odluke i određuje opšte programske
ciljeve. U skladu sa Zakonom o univerzitetu, naučno-nastavno
veće biralo je Rektora Univerziteta i dekane fakulteta bez
uplitanja ministra prosvete. Zakon takođe predviđa učešće
studentskih organizacija prilikom utvrđivanja nekih aspekata
politike univerziteta. Krajem godine, ove organizacije su
još bile u fazi definisanja svoje uloge u kreiranju politike
univerziteta.
b. Sloboda mirnog okupljanja i udruživanja
Ustav predviđa slobodu okupljanja, a Vlada je u praksi uopšteno
poštovala ovo pravo, izuzev u vreme vanrednog stanja. Tokom
vanrednog stanja, Vlada je zabranila sazivanje i održavanje
javnih skupova. Takođe su bile zabranjene političke, sindikalne
i druge aktivnosti u cilju ometanja i sprečavanja ostvarivanja
mera preduzetih tokom vanrednog stanja.
Ustav predviđa slobodu udruživanja, a Vlada je uopšteno
poštovala ovo pravo u praksi; međutim, beogradska policija
je 9. juna na osnovu odluke Opštinskog suda zatvorila kancelariju
jedne građanske organizacije, koja je pripremala peticiju
u prilog zakona o povraćaju imovine. Dvojica vođa te organizacije
koji su odbili da napuste prostorije, bili su uhapšeni i
kasnije pušteni bez podizanja optužnice. Ta organizacija
građana bila je glasan protivnik prakse gradskih vlasti u
Beogradu da na aukciju iznosi imovinu koja je bila predmet
potencijalnih zahteva prvobitnih vlasnika i njihovih naslednika.
Vlada je zahtevala od privatnih organizacija da se registruju;
međutim, tokom godine nije prijavljen nijedan problem u vezi
sa registracijom.
c. Sloboda veroispovesti
Ustav državne zajednice kao i republički Ustav i zakoni,
predviđaju slobodu veroispovesti, a državna zajednica i republičke
vlade uopšteno su poštovale ovo pravo u praksi. U Srbiji
i Crnoj Gori ne postoji državna religija; međutim, Srpska
pravoslavna crkva u izvesnoj meri uživa povoljniji položaj.
Stanje poštovanja verskih sloboda u državnoj zajednici i
u Republici Srbiji popravilo se tokom godine, a Savezno ministarstvo
vera je ukinuto. Osim toga što je slobodu savesti i veroispovesti
uključila u svoje osnivačke akte, Vlada Srbije i Crne Gore
otvorila je marta meseca Kancelariju za verska pitanja u
okviru Ministarstva za ljudska i manjinska prava. Ta kancelarija
se usredsredila na pružanje pomoći manjinskim verskim zajednicama,
a predstavnici tih zajednica su izvestili o dobrim odnosima
sa ovom kancelarijom.
Mada ne postoji zahtev za zvaničnom registracijom religija,
verske grupe i druge grupe koje planiraju da održavaju skupove
moraju da se registruju kod lokalne policije. Verske grupe
mogu da se registruju i kao grupe građana kod MUP-a, kako
bi dobile status pravnog lica neophodan zbog prometa nekretnina
i drugih transakcija. Vlada je poništila takvu registraciju
jednoj verskoj grupi - društvu za duhovnu nauku »Sanatan«
- tvrdeći da dokumenti te grupe uključuju principe koji podstiču
kriminal.
Beogradska islamska zajednica prijavila je da i dalje ima
teškoće da dobije zemljište i odobrenje za podizanje muslimanskog
groblja u blizini grada. Predstavnici Islamske verske zajednice
iz Novog Pazara, nasuprot tome, i dalje izveštavaju o dobrim
odnosima sa Vladom.
Vlada nije odobrila posebne vize misionarima, koji su morali
da pribave dozvole boravka ili da napuštaju zemlju svaka
tri meseca kako bi obnavljali svoj status.
U oružanim snagama i dalje postoji samo pravoslavna služba.
Međutim, pripadnici drugih veroispovesti mogu da prisustvuju
verskim obredima izvan kasarni.
Verska nastava u osnovnim i srednjim školama održavala se
i ove godine. Od učenika se tražilo ili da pohađaju versku
nastavu jedne od sedam »tradicionalnih verskih zajednica«,
ili da umesto toga pohađaju nastavu građanskog vaspitanja.
Procenat učenika koji su se prijavljivali za versku nastavu
porastao je tokom godine; međutim, i dalje se više učenika
prijavljuje za nastavu građanskog vaspitanja. Neki protestantski
lideri i nevladine organizacije i dalje se protive verskoj
nastavi u državnim školama, isto kao i tome da se neke religije
u Republici klasifikuju kao tradicionalne.
Tokom godine nije zabeležen napredak u vezi sa restitucijom
ranije oduzete crkvene imovine.
Verska i etnička pripadnost blisko su povezane u celoj Srbiji
i Crnoj Gori; stoga je u mnogim slučajevima bilo teško utvrditi
da li do diskriminacije dolazi pre svega na verskoj, ili
pre svega na etničkoj osnovi.
U štampi se nastavlja propaganda protiv sekti, a verski
lideri su primetili da se vandalski ispadi često događaju
ubrzo posle takvih izveštaja u štampi (v. Odeljak 5). Prema
nekim izvorima, situaciju je dodatno komplikovalo to što
je jedan od vodećih stručnjaka za sekte u Srbiji bio policijski
kapetan čiji su radovi korišćeni u vojnim i policijskim akademijama.
Aprila meseca, adventistički sveštenik u Zrenjaninu Josip
Tikvicki reagovao je na zvuk slomljenih crkvenih prozora
i posle toga je bio žestoko pretučen. Prema crkvenim izvorima,
ista crkva je bila meta brojnih napada prethodne godine,
ali vandali nikada nisu uhvaćeni. Posle ovog napada, predstavnik
Ministarstva za ljudska i manjinska prava SCG posetio je
sveštenika u bolnici i javno osudio incident. Za ovaj napad
tri osobe su bile osuđene na zatvorsku kaznu u trajanju od
nekoliko meseci.
Jedan predstavnik Beogradske islamske zajednice tvrdio je
da su dve osobe u martu ubijene zbog svoje verske pripadnosti.
Jedna od žrtava bio je unuk bivšeg beogradskog imama, dok
je druga bio Rom muslimanske veroispovesti koga su u zatvoru
u Požarevcu gde je izdržavao kaznu navodno ubili drugi zatvorenici.
Novosadska policija nije reagovala na stalne pritužbe muslimanske
porodice Gujak kojoj je tokom tri godine njihov sused Srbin
pretio i vređao je, a jednom prilikom ih je i napao. Fond
za humanitarno pravo podneo je krivičnu prijavu protiv suseda
Vujića, zbog zlostavljanja Gujakovih na etničkoj osnovi;
do kraja godine proces još nije bio otpočeo.
Manjinske verske zajednice prijavljuju stalne probleme sa
vandalskim napadima na njihove crkve, groblja i druge verske
objekte. Mnogi napadi uključuju ispisivanja grafita sprejom,
bacanje kamenica, ili skrnavljanje grobova; međutim, nekoliko
slučajeva je uključivalo i mnogo veću štetu. Maja meseca
bačen je Molotovljev koktel na sedište Sanatana izvan Beograda.
Bilo je oko deset slučajeva skrnavljenja grobova, uključujući
i one na jevrejskom, katoličkom, muslimanskom i luteranskom
groblju. Jedan od najozbiljnijih slučajeva skrnavljenja dogodio
se septembra kada su neki mladi ljudi porušili oko 80 grobova
na jednom katoličkom groblju u Vojvodini. Osumnjičeni su
otkriveni ubrzo posle incidenta; međutim, nikakav sudski
postupak nije pokrenut tokom godine.
Predstavnici jevrejske zajednice prijavili su jačanje antisemitizma,
kako napise u štampi, tako i vandalske postupke, kao što
je uništavanje nadgrobnih spomenika. Kako kažu predstavnici
Saveza jevrejskih opština Srbije i Crne Gore, antisemitska
propaganda često se pojavljuje u niskotiražnim knjigama (videti
Odeljak 5). Objavljivanje novih knjiga (ili preštampavanje
prevoda antisemitske literature iz inostranstva) često dovodi
do porasta broja pretećih pisama i drugih vidova ispoljavanja
antisemitizma.
Došlo je do velikog broja odlaganja u slučaju Savić, u kojem
se piscu antisemtskih tekstova sudi zbog širenja rasne i
nacionalne mržnje. Poslednje odlaganje, odobreno kako bi
se omogućio psihijatrijski pregled okrivljenog, bilo je u
toku krajem godine.
Dok su prethodnih godina Jehovini svedoci prijavljivali
da su njihovi članovi izdržavali zatvorske kazne zbog prigovora
savesti u vezi sa služenjem vojne obaveze, ove godine nisu
prijavljena takva lišavanja slobode. Štaviše, Srbija i Crna
Gora uvele su civilnu službu kao alternativu obaveznom služenju
vojnog roka. Mogućnost civilnog služenja vojnog roka dopunjava
mogućnost da regruti koji se protive služenju vojnog roka
zbog prigovora savesti ne nose oružje. Neki novinari su postavili
pitanje da li će se propisi u vezi s prigovorm savesti proširiti
i na odrasle konvertite koji bi želeli da napuste rezervni
sastav. Detaljnije razmatranje videti na Međunarodni izveštaj
o slobodi veroispovesti za 2003.
d. Sloboda kretanja u zemlji, putovanja u inostranstvo,
iseljavanje i repatrijacija
Ustav predviđa ova prava, a Vlada ih uglavnom u praksi poštuje.
Bošnjaci koji prelaze u Srbiju iz Bosne više ne prijavljuju
da ih pogranična policija podvrgava dugotrajnim pretresima.
Bosanski ministar za ljudska prava i izbeglice Mirsad Kebo
i ministar za ljudska i manjinska prava SCG Rasim Ljajić
potpisali su 6. oktobra sporazum i protokol o povratku izbeglica;
ovim sporazumom uspostavlja se mehanizam za razmenu informacija
putem objavljivanja povrataka, predviđaju se zajednički projekti
i osniva jedna radna grupa kao konsultativno telo.
Sukobi koji su se dogodili u Bosni, Hrvatskoj i na Kosovu
doveli su do veoma velikog raseljavanja. U Srbiji je bilo
oko 216.000 interno raseljenih lica s Kosova, uglavnom Srba,
Roma i Bošnjaka. Većina raseljenih Srba sa Kosova iznajmila
je neadekvatne stanove, ili se smestila kod porodica koje
su ih prihvatile, ili rođaka; međutim, oko 9.000 ih je ostalo
u kolektivnim centrima za koje strani posmatrači smatraju
da su nužni smeštaj. Na kolektivne centre su odlazila velika
državna sredstva. Bilo je nemoguće proceniti broj nezaposlenih
među interno raseljenim licima; u potrazi za boljim školama
ili mogućnostima zapošljavanja najveći broj porodica selio
se tri ili više puta. Moguće je da su mnogi od njih bili
zaposleni s punim radnim vremenom, ili sa skraćenim radnim
vremenom u nezvaničnom sektoru, na primer, u nekoj od brojnih
firmi koje u okviru sive ekonomije proizvode odeću, nameštaj
i druge proizvode. Uz podršku visokog komesara UN za izbeglice,
Vlada je radila na zatvaranju 115 kolektivnih centara u kojima
su se nalazile izbeglice (ne interno raseljena lica) iz Bosne
i Hrvatske, tako što je odredila uslove za ostanak u kolektivnim
centrima, ili što je tražila alternativni smeštaj.
Najveć broj od oko 10.000 interno raseljenih lica koji su
pobegli na Kosovo tokom krize do koje je 2001. došlo na jugu
Srbije, vratilo se u svoje domove u opštinama Bujanovac,
Preševo i Medveđa, posle sprovođenja Čovićevog plana iste
godine.
Visoki komesar UN za izbeglice procenjuje da je 40.000-45.000
raseljenih Roma živelo u Srbiji; zbog toga što se smatralo
da su tokom sukoba na Kosovu sarađivali sa Srbima, mnogi
kosovski Romi nisu mogli bezbedno tamo da se vrate. Životni
uslovi Roma u Srbiji bili su u celini veoma loši. Lokalne
gradske vlasti često nisu bile voljne da im pruže smeštaj,
nadajući se da bi u tom slučaju mogli da odu na drugo mesto
(videti Odeljak 5). Ukoliko su se negde smestili, to je uglavnom
bilo u zvaničnim kolektivnim centrima s minimalnim pogodnostima
ili, češće, u provizornim kampovima na periferiji većih gradova.
Ustav Srbije i Crne Gore, kao i republički Ustav predviđaju
davanje izbegličkog statusa (na republičkom nivou) ili statusa
azilanta (na nivou SCG) osobama koje odgovaraju definiciji
iz Konvencije UN iz 1951. o statusu izbeglica, kao i Protokola
iz 1967. U praksi, Vlada je obezbedila zaštitu od repartijacije
i obezbedila je izbeglicama odgovarajući status i azil. U
saradnji sa visokim komesarom UN za izbeglice i drugim humanitarnim
organizacijama, Vlada je pružila pomoć izbeglicama. U Srbiji
je bilo oko 317.000 izbeglica iz drugih država naslednica
SFRJ, najviše iz Hrvatske (212.000). Većina od nekoliko hiljada
Albanaca koji su 2001. došli u Srbiju da bi izbegli sukob
u Makedoniji vratila se svojim kućama.
Vlada je takođe obezbedila privremenu zaštitu nekim pojedincima
koji se ne mogu kvalifikovati kao izbeglice, ili azilanti.
Odeljak 3 Poštovanje političkih prava: pravo građana da
promene vlast
Ustavna povelja Srbije i Crne Gore predviđa da građani imaju
pravo na mirnu promenu vlasti, a građani to pravo ostvaruju
na povremenim, pravičnim izborima zasnovanim na opštem pravu
glasa. I u državnoj zajednici i u Republici Srbiji postoji
parlamentarni sistem vlasti. U Srbiji i Crnoj Gori predsednika
bira Skupština državne zajednice, a u Srbiji se predsednik
bira neposredno na izborima.
Predsednički izbori održani 17. novembra u Srbiji nisu uspeli
zato što na izbore nije izašlo više od 50 odsto birača koliko
je potrebno; počevši od 2000, bio je to treći neuspešni pokušaj
da se izabere predsednik. Uprkos tome, OEBS je zaključio
da su ti izbori bili uopšteno slobodni i pravični; međutim,
i dalje su prisutni značajni problemi, posebno u vezi sa
pravnim okvirom za održavanje izbora.
Na predlog Vlade, Nataša Mićić, predsednik Skupštine i vršilac
dužnosti predsednika Srbije, raspustila je 13. novembra Skupštinu
suočena sa blokadom tog tela, uoči glasanja o poverenju sebi
lično i Vladi. Parlamentarni izbori održani 28. decembra
bili su uopšteno slobodni i pravični, uprkos određenim zakonskim
nedostacima. Srpska radikalna stranka - čiji lider Vojislav
Šešelj odgovara za ratne zločine pred Međunarodnim krivičnim
sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju - osvojila je većinu (82 od 250
mesta); međutim, demokratske stranke zajedno osvojile su
više od polovine mesta. Na kraju godine, nova skupština nije
bila konstituisana, niti je bila formirana nova Vlada.
Došlo je do nepravilnosti prilikom jednog skupštinskog glasanja.
Decembra meseca, Boris Tadić, jedan od lidera Demokratske
stranke, priznao je da je glasom jednog poslanika njegove
stranke koji u stvari nije bio prisutan u Skupštini, izglasano
postavljenje Kori Udovički na mesto guvernera Narodne banka
Srbije. Moguće je da je tom prilikom glasano umesto još dvojice
odsutnih članova druge političke stranke. U maju je Ustavni
sud doneo odluku da poslanici koji napuste svoju stranku
imaju pravo da zadrže mesto u Skupštini. Skupština nije sprovela
ovu odluku do kraja godine, zbog čega ju je Sud nekoliko
puta opomenuo.
Na lokalnom nivou, održano je nekoliko dopunskih izbora;
oni su uglavnom bili slobodni i pošteni. Zakon o lokalnoj
samoupravi iz 2002. predvideo je direktan izbor gradonačelnika
i proširio nadležnosti opštinskih i gradskih vlasti, uključujući
veću fleksibilnost u ostvarivanju poreskih prihoda za lokalne
potrebe. Ovaj zakon je takođe povećao mogućnost građana da
direktno učestvuju u lokalnoj vlasti time što im je dao pravo
da pokreću građanske inicijative i organizuju referendume
na lokalnom nivou.
U Skupštini državne zajednice od 126 mesta 10 zauzimaju
žene, a u Skupštini Republike Srbije od 250 poslanika 27
su žene. U Vladi Srbije bile su tri žene. Žene su bile veoma
aktivne u političkim organizacijama; međutim, one su zauzimale
samo oko 10% položaja na ministarskom nivou i u Skupštini.
Važni položaji na kojima su se nalazile žene uključuju: predsednik
Skupštine Srbije (takođe vršilac dužnosti predsednika Srbije);
potpredsednik Skupštine, ministri za socijalnu politiku,
transport i komunikacije i životnu sredinu u Vladi Srbije;
predsednik Vrhovnog suda Srbije; guverner Narodne banke;
i gradonačelnik Beograda.
Nije bilo zakonskih ograničenja za učešće manjina u vlasti.
Od 250 mesta u Skupštini Republike Srbije, 20 je pripadalo
manjinama. U Vladi Srbije bio je samo jedan pripadnik manjina,
odnosno dva u Vladi državne zajednice. Dve najveće etničke
grupe, Srbi i Crnogorci, dominirale su u političkom rukovodstvu
zemlje. Koalicija manjinskih stranaka nije uspela da uđe
u parlament zato što nije prešla cenzus od 5% na decembarskim
parlamentarnim izborima. Međutim, članovi manjinskih grupa
nalazili su se na listama stranaka koje nisu osnovane na
etničkom principu i neki od tih pojedinaca verovatno će ući
u Skupštinu kada strane budu podelile mandate. Neke manjine,
kao što su Mađari i Bošnjaci, izišli su na parlamentarne
izbore skoro u istom, ili većem procentu nego stanovništvo
u celini; međutim, izlaznost Roma je kao i ranije bila slaba,
a veoma malo pripadnika albanske manjine učestvovalo je na
parlamentarnim izborima 28. decembra.
U Vojvodini, gde mađarska manjina predstavlja oko 15% stanovništva,
mnoge političke funkcije na regionalnom nivou obavljaju Mađari.
Jožef Kasa, lider mađarske stranke, bio je potpredsednik
Vlade Srbije. Mađari se nalaze na čelu gradskih vlada u Subotici
i još šest drugih gradova na severu Vojvodine. Nekoliko članova
drugih etničkih grupa nalazi se na rukovodećim mestima u
državnoj upravi ili privredi; međutim, dva Muslimana iz Sandžaka
bili su članovi petočlanog Kabineta Vlade državne zajednice.
U Sandžaku, Bošnjaci su imali vlast na gradskom nivou u Novom
Pazaru, Tutinu i Sjenici. Romi su imali pravo glasa, a u
Srbiji postoje dve male romske stranke. Jedan od četvorice
potpredsednika gradske vlade u Kragujevcu bio je Rom.
Zakon o lokalnim izborima iz 2002. predvideo je proporcionalni
sistem glasanja koji garantuje multietničko učešće u vlasti.
Ove zakonske promene omogućile su da jula 2002. u opštinama
Bujanovac i Preševo Albanci budu izabrani za gradonačelnike
kao i da u višenacionalnim opštinama pripadnici albanske
manjine imaju većinu. Međutim, u nekim drugim oblastima gde
su održani dopunski opštinski izbori gradonačelnik se nije
birao neposredno, već su izbori održani u skladu sa prethodnim
zakonom. Omnibus zakon o Vojvodini koji je 2002. godine usvojila
Skupština Republike Srbije predvideo je veća ovlašćenja u
pogledu samouprave u istorijski posebnoj srpskoj regiji Vojvodini,
mada nije u potpunosti obnovio autonomiju koju je Pokrajina
uživala do 1989.
U skladu sa zakonom SRJ o zaštiti prava i sloboda nacionalnih
manjina, donešenim 2002, etničke grupe osnovale su deset
manjinskih veća (videti Odeljak 5).
Odeljak 4 Stav Vlade prema istragama u vezi s navodnim kršenjima
ljudskih prava koje su sprovodile međunarodne i nevladine
organizacije.
Veliki broj domaćih i međunarodnih organizacija koje se
bave zaštitom ljudskih prava zglavnom je bez ograničenja
od strane države sprovodio istrage i objavljivao svoje nalaze
u vezi s poštovanjem ljudskih prava. Vladini službenici su
uopšteno bili kooperativni i predusretljivi u odnosu na njihove
stavove; međutim, tokom vanrednog stanja, Vlada je suspendovala
posete Helsinškog odbora zatvorenicima. Neke nevladine organizacije,
kao što su Institut G17, Lex, Otpor i Centar za slobodne
i demokratske izbore (CeSID), doprineli su strategijama reforme
od strane Vlade na najvišem nivou. Nevladine organizacije
kao što su Fond za humanitarno pravo, Jugoslovenski komitet
pravnika za ljudska prava (Jukom) i Helsinški odbor često
su nudili građanima jedinu mogućnost za zaštitu osnovnih
ljudskih prava u situacijama kada državne instutucije to
nisu uspele da učine. Nevladine organzacije koje se bave
zaštitom ljudskih prava bile su u velikoj meri nezavisne
prilikom procena aktivnosti od strane države. Fond za humanitarno
pravo, Jukom, Beogradski centar za ljudska prava, Odbor za
ljudska prava iz Leskovca i Centar za antiratnu akciju, istraživali
su slučajeve kršenja ljudskih prava u čitavoj zemlji. Helsinški
odbor i Beogradski centar za ljudska prava objavili su godišnje
izveštaje o pitanjima i problemima koji se tiču ljudskih
prava u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori. U Sandžaku, dva odbora su pratila
kršenja ljudskih prava lokalnog muslimanskog stanovništva.
Većina ovih organizacija nudila je savete i pomoć žrtvama.
Bilo je nekoliko slučajeva uplitanja države u rad Fonda
za humanitarno pravo. Vladimir Beba Popović podneo je tužbu
protiv Fonda zato što je postavio pitanje legitimnosti njegovog
statusa šefa Vladinog Biroa za komunikacije (videti Odeljak
2.a). Pored toga, na skupu posvećenom nestalim licima, policija
nije zaštitila direktorku Fonda od stalnog guranja jedne
male grupe protivnika, a policija je pretila i da će protiv
nje podneti krivičnu prijavu zato što je ošamarila jednu
osobu koja ju je gurnula na zemlju.
Vlada je sarađivala sa međunarodnim i lokalnim nevladinim
organizacijama u većem broju oblasti koje se tiču ljudskih
prava, uključujući praćenje izbora (CeSID), suzbijanje korupcije
od strane predstavnika vlasti (Otpor), reformu pravosuđa
(Jukom, Fond za humanitarno pravo, Helsinški odbor), izradu
nacrta novog krivičnog zakona (Beogradski centar za ljudska
prava), edukaciju sudija (Fond za humanitarno pravo, Beogradski
centar za ljudska prava), povratak izbeglica i interno raseljenih
lica (Srpski demokratski forum, Helsinški odbor), identifikaciju
nestalih osoba (Međunarodna komisija za nestala lica), i
borbu protiv trgovine ljudima (ASTRA, Savetovalište protiv
nasilja u porodici).
Vlada državne zajednice SCG i Vlada Republike Srbije postigle
su napredak u saradnji sa Međunarodnim krivičnim sudom za
bivšu Jugoslaviju; međutim, Tribunal je i dalje nezadovoljan
ukupnim nivoom saradnje, posebno stoga što veruje da se glavni
osumnjičeni, general Ratko Mladić, nalazi na slobodi u Srbiji.
Tribunal je tokom godine podigao optužnice protiv još četvorice
Srba. Na kraju godine, oko 16 osoba osumnjičenih od strane
Tribunala koji imaju veze sa ovom zemljom nalazilo se na
slobodi. Tribunal je izrazio svoje nezadovoljstvo što Vlada
nije bila u stanju da uhapsi te osobe, posebno jednog od
bivšeg lidera bosanskih Srba Ratka Mladića.
Skupština državne zajednice je 14. aprila učvrstila zakonski
okvir za saradnju s Tribunalom time što je unela izmene i
dopune u Zakon o saradnji s Međunarodnim krivičnim sudom
za bivš Jugoslaviju, koji je 2002. usvojen na saveznom nivou.
Najvažniju promenu predstavljalo je brisanje člana 39 prema
kojem se zakon odnosio samo na postojeće optužnice. Veći
broj optuženih prebačen je u pritvornu jedinicu Tribunala,
neki pošto su uhapšeni, a neki tako što su se predali vlastima.
Predsednik Srbije Milan Milutinović predao se Tribunalu kada
mu je u januaru istekao mandat. Lider SRS Vojislav Šešelj
predao se u februaru, kada je njegova optužnica objavljena.
Saradnja u vezi sa optuženima značajno se popravila posle
ubistva premijera Zorana Đinđića u martu. Šef tajne policije
Jovica Stanišić i osnivač »Crvenih beretki« Franko Simatović
Frenki, uhapšeni tokom vanrednog stanja, prebačeni su juna
u Hag pošto je protiv njih postojala optužnica. Miroslav
Radić i Veselin Šljivančanin - preostali članovi tzv. »vukovarske
trojke« koji su se još nalazili na slobodi - prebačeni su
u Hag maja, odnosno juna. (Hapšenje Šljivančanina izazvalo
je javni protest koji je trajao jedan dan.) Tokom godine
Tribunal je otpočeo suđenje optuženima koji se terete da
su 1991. ubili više od 200 civila i ratnih zarobljenika i
pacijenata Vukovarske bolnice. Željko Meakić i Mitar Rašević
su se predali, i prebačeni su u Tribunal tokom leta. Srpska
policija je u septembru uhapsila Vladimira Kovačevića Ramba
koji je 23. oktobra predat Tribunalu.
Tribunal je nastavio sa suđenjima Srbima optuženima za ratne
zločine i zločine protiv čovečnosti počinjene od 1991. do
1999. u sukobima na Kosovu i u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, uključujući
buvšeg jugoslovenskog predsednika Slobodana Miloševića.
Tribunal je oktobra objavio optužnice protiv četiri srpska
generala. Za jednog od njih, generala Đorđevića, veruje se
da je u Rusiji. Ostala trojica su se do kraja godine još
nalazila na slobodi, u Srbiji. Mada se veruje da su predstavnici
vlasti pokušavali privatno da ubede generale da se predaju
Tribunalu, Vlada nije preduzela mere kako bi ih uhapsila
i predala Tribunalu.
Vlada državne zajednice i Vlada Republike Srbije ostvarile
su napredak u vezi s odgovaranjem na zahteve da se Tribunalu
na uvid daju dokumenta i da se olakšava svedočenje svedoka.
Nacionalni savet SCG za saradnju sa haškim Tribunalom predao
je nekoliko stotina strana dokumenata Kancelariji tužioca,
uključujući i beleške sa sastanaka Vrhovnog saveta odbrane
SRJ održanih od 1991. do 1999, isto kao i beleške sa zatvorenih
sednica srpske Skupštine. Međutim, na još veliki broj zahteva
od strane Tribunala do kraja godine nije odgovoreno. Nacionalni
savet za saradnju omogućio je svedočenje brojnih svedoka
time što ih je oslobodio čuvanja tajne kako bi mogli da svedoče,
a da ne dođu u situaciju da budu gonjeni u skladu sa zakonima
o čuvanju državne tajne. Međutim, potencijalni svedoci na
Tribunalu su u Srbiji doživljavali pretnje i zastrašivanja.
Tokom godine, u Srbiji je nastavljeno podizanje optužnica
i suđenje za ratne zločine (videti Odeljak 1.e).
Nije uspostavljen nezvisan ombudsman za ljudska prava ni
na nivou državne zajednice ni na republičkom nivou; međutim,
u Vojvodini je uveden ombudsman, a Skupština Vojvodine je
septembra potvrdila imenovanje Petra Teofilovića na taj položaj.
Komisija za istinu i pomerenje koju je 2001. osnovao predsednik
Koštunica bila je raspuštena, kao i mnoge druge savezne institucije,
kada je februara prestala da postoji Savezna Republika Jugoslavija.
Pre raspuštanja, organizovala je nekoliko manifestacija uključujući
izložbu fotografija iz ratova vođenih devedesetih godina
na tlu Jugoslavije.
Odeljak 5 Diskriminacija na osnovu rasne pripadnosti, pola,
umanjenih sposobnosti, jezika i društvenog položaja
Zakoni državne zajednice i Republike Srbije predviđaju jednaka
prava za sve građane bez obzira na etničku pripadnost, jezik,
ili društveni položaj i brane diskriminaciju žena; međutim,
u praksi, pravni sistem je pružao malo zaštite ovim grupama.
Žene
Nasilje prema ženama predstavljalo je problem, a zadržao
se i visok nivo nasilja u porodici. Prema jednoj proceni,
polovina svih žena izložena je fizičkom ili mentalnom zlostavljanju.
Malobrojne zvanične agencije posvećene rešavanju problema
nasilja u porodici nisu raspolagale adekvatnim sredstvima.
Međutim, javnost je postala svesnija ovog problema. Savezni
krivični zakon je 2002. pretrpeo izmene i dopune kako bi
i silovanje u braku moglo da se tretira kao krivično delo.
Nekoliko žrtava zlostavljanja od strane bračnog partnera
podnelo je tužbu nadležnima. Optužbe od strane žrtve nisu
neophodne za pokretanje postupka u vezi sa nasiljem u porodici,
a tokom godine je došlo do gonjenja ovakvih slučajeva. Prema
izjavi jednog zastupnika prava žrtava, reagovanje policije
na nasilje u porodici značajno se popravilo; veliki broj
policajaca pružao je pomoć ženama žrtvama nasilja i lišavao
slobode počinioce kako bi zaštitio žrtve.
Autonomni centar za ženska prava iz Beograda otvorio je
telefonsku liniju za žrtve silovanja i zlostavljanja u braku
i sponzorisao je veći broj grupa za samopomoć. Centar je
nudio pomoć i ženama izbeglicama (uglavnom Srpkinjama), od
kojih su mnoge tokom sukoba u bivšoj Jugoslaviji bile zlostavljane,
ili silovane. Savetovalište protiv nasilja u porodici organizovalo
je prihvatilište za žrtve nasilja u porodici.
Trgovina ženama u cilju seksualne zloupotrebe i dalje predstavlja
problem (videti Odeljak 6.f).
Mada društveni status žena nije isti kao status muškaraca,
značajan broj žena zauzimao je značajne položaje u državnoj
upravi, politici i na mestima koja zahtevaju stručnost, iako
nisu bile dovoljno dobro zastupljene u trgovini. U gradskim
sredinama kao što su Beograd, Niš i Novi Sad, žene su široko
zastupljene u mnogim strukama kao što su pravo, prosveta
i medicina. Žene su se takođe aktivno bavile novinarstvom
i učestvovale u politici, kao i u radu organizacija koje
se bave zaštitom ljudskih prava. Od izmene propisa koji od
2001. dozvoljavaju ženama da budu policajci, policija zapošljava
sve veći broj žena. Žene po zakonu imaju pravo na jednaku
platu za jednak rad. Međutim, prema Helsinškoj federaciji
za ljudska prava, žene su u proseku zarađivale 11% manje
od muškaraca. Žene imaju pravo na plaćeno porodiljsko odsustvo
u trajanju od godinu dana, uz mogućnost da iskoriste dodatnih
šest meseci neplaćenog odsustva.
Tradicionalne patrijarhalne ideje o ulozi polova, posebno
u seoskim područjima, izazivaju diskriminaciju žena u mnogim
domovima. U udaljenim seoskim područjima, posebno u nekim
manjinskim zajednicama, žene efektivno ne mogu da ostvare
svoje pravo na upravljanje imovinom. U seoskim područjima
i nekim manjinskim zajednicama, uobičajeno je da žene glasaju
kako im muževi kažu.
Deca
Vlada je pokušavala da zadovolji potrebe dece u pogledu
obrazovanja i zdravstvene zaštite. Obrazovni sistem predviđa
devet godina obaveznog besplatnog školovanja. Međutim, ekonomski
problemi negativno su uticali na decu i u jednom i u drugom
pogledu, posebno na romsku decu, koja retko pohađaju dečje
vrtiće. Mnoga romska deca nikada nisu pohađala osnovnu školu,
bilo iz porodičnih razloga, bilo zato što se smatralo da
ne ispunjavaju uslove, bilo zbog društvenih predrasuda. Zbog
toga što nisu pohađala osnovnu školu, mnoga romska deca nisu
naučila da govore srpski. Neka romska deca greškom su upućivana
u škole za decu ometenu u razvoju, zato što su im romski
jezik i kulturni standardi otežavali da sa uspehom polože
standardizovane testove na srpskom. Tokom godine, 29% osnovnih
i srednjih škola omogućavalo je jednom nedeljno časove iz
romskog jezika i kulture, a Ministarstvo za ljudska i manjinska
prava SCG obezbedilo je besplatne udžbenike za romsku decu;
međutim, bilo je izveštaja da sva romska deca nisu dobila
sve udžbenike.
Procenjuje se da je oko 30% dece bilo zlostavljano. Mada
je učiteljima naloženo da podnesu prijavu u slučaju da posumnjaju
da je neko dete bilo zlostavljano, oni to često nisu činili.
Policija je uopšteno reagovala na takve pritužbe, te su tokom
godine podizane optužnice zbog zlostavljanja dece. Žrtvama
je bila omogućena psihološka i pravna pomoć, a postoji i
trauma centar za žrtve incesta. Pored toga, žrtve su zajedno
sa svojim majkama mogle da ostanu u prihvatilištu za žrtve
nasilja u porodici.
Trgovina decom u cilju seksualne zloupotrebe i dalje predstavlja
problem (videti Odeljak 6.f). Bilo je prijava da se u okviru
romske zajednice u Srbiji neka deca prodaju Romima u inostranstvu
kako bi tamo prosila i učestvovala u krađama.
Osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima
Zakon zabranjuje diskriminaciju osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima
prilikom zapošljavanja, obrazovanja ili obezbeđenja drugih
vrsta usluga koje pruža država. Međutim, u praksi, pogodnosti
za osobe sa umanjenim mentalnim i fizičkim sposobnostima
nisu adekvatne, a rešavanje ovog problema nije bilo prioritet
za Vladu. Postoje posebne škole za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima,
ali kada je u pitanju visoko obrazovanje, ne postoje posebne
pogodnosti ili pomoć. Nije široko rasprostranjena diskriminacija
prilikom zapošljavanja osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima;
međutim, zapošljavanje su otežavali visoka stopa nezaposlenosti
i nedostatak pogobnosti za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima.
Zakon zahteva omogućavanje pristupa osobama s invaliditetom
novim poslovnim zgradama, a Vlada je uopšteno u praksi insistirala
na toj odredbi. Prilikom zamene pločnika, Vlada je spustila
ivičnjake na raskrsnicama. Vlada nije obezbedila mogućnost
da hendikepirana lica, ili lica nesposobna da dođu na birališta
glasaju, a na predsedničkim i parlamentarnim izborima u Srbiji
nije bilo dozvoljeno glasanje u odsustvu, što je efektivno
lišilo tog prava mnoge osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima.
Nacionalne/rasne/etničke manjine
Manjine čine 25-30% stanovništva u Srbiji, a uključuju Mađare,
Bošnjake, Rome, Slovake, Rumune, Vlahe, Bugare, Hrvate, Albance
i druge.
Mada su se neki problemi zadržali, politika Vlade državne
zajednice kao i Vlade Republike Srbije prema manjinama, u
ogromnoj meri se popravila posle uklanjanja Miloševića sa
vlasti. Državna zajednica SCG i Mađarska potpisale su bilateralni
sporazum u cilju zaštite nacionalnih manjina sa obe strane
granice. Ministar za ljudska i manjinska prava SCG Rasim
Ljajić poveo je javnu edukativnu kampanju za etničku toleranciju,
a njegova organizacija »Tolerancija« bila je domaćin seminara
za mlade iz zemalja nastalih na tlu bivše SFRJ. Njegovo Ministarstvo
je otvorilo SOS telefonsku liniju za manjine i druge koji
imaju problema u vezi sa ljudskim pravima.
Na jugu Srbije povremeno je dolazilo do etnički motivisanih
napada. Ovaj region, koji uključuje opštine Preševo, Bujanovac
i Medveđu, ima najveću koncentraciju etničkih Albanaca u
užoj Srbiji i bio je poprište značajnih etničkih sukoba 2000-2001.
Snažno policijsko prisustvo na jugu Srbije zadržano je delimično
zbog realnih pretnji da bi moglo da dođe do nasilja od strane
radikalnih elemenata iz redova albanske etničke zajednice.
Prijavljeno je nekoliko slučajeva da je policija uznemiravala
etničko albansko stanovništvo, ali nije bilo prijava u vezi
sa fizičkim zlostavljanjem ili svirepošću; međutim, policija
je ubila dva etnička Albanca prilikom pokušaja hapšenja (videti
Odeljak 1.a).
Suđenje četvorici optuženih za ubistvo u Sjeverinu 1992.
bilo je prvo suđenje zbog zlostavljanja sandžačkih muslimana
od strane prethodne vlasti, a izrečene su tri zatvorske kazne
u trajanju od 20 godina i jedna u trajanju 15 godina (videti
Odeljak 1.e).
Tokom godine nije prijavljeno nasilje ili ometanje etničkih
Mađara u Vojvodini. Međutim, 27. septembra oskrnavljeni su
grobovi na Katoličkom groblju koje uglavnom pripada Mađarima
(videti Odeljak 2.c). Neki članovi vlaške zajednice u Boru
žalili su se zbog odbijanja Srpske pravoslavne crkve da obavlja
versku službu na vlaškom jeziku umesto na srpskom.
Romi su i dalje meta brojnih slučajeva policijskog nasilja,
verbalnog i fizičkog zlostavljanja od strane običnih građana
i društvene diskriminacije. Policija često nije istraživala
slučajeve socijalnog nasilja nad Romima. Policija je septembra
zadržala u kraćem pritvoru dve osobe zato što su tukle Rome.
Fond za humanitarno pravo podneo je krivičnu prijavu zbog
ovog slučaja. Međutim, slučaj se do kraja godine nije pojavio
pred sudom.
Savezni zakon o manjinama priznaje Rome kao nacionalnu manjinu.
On izričito brani diskriminaciju i zahteva državne mere za
unapređenje položaja Roma. U Ministarstvu za ljudska i manjinska
prava SCG postoji odeljenje sa četiri zaposlena, koje sada
finansira OEBS, posvećeno romskim pitanjima. Mnogi Romi žive
nelegalno u diviljim naseljima u kojima ne postoje osnovne
usluge kao što su škole, zdravstvena zaštita, voda i kanalizacija.
Neka od tih naselja nalazila su se na vrednim industrijskim
ili komercijalnim lokacijama gde su privatni vlasnici želeli
da uđu u posed; druga na zemljištu koje pripada društvenim
preduzećima koja se nalaze u procesu privatizacije. Tokom
godina prijavljeno je rušenje jednog romskog naselja. Prema
izveštaju Fonda za humanitarno pravo, 52 romske porodice
bile su 19. maja isterane iz nelegalnog naselja u Beogradu,
posle čega su buldožeri porušili njihove kuće. Građevinska
inspekcija Opštine Čukarica naredila je rušenje naselja u
kojem je živelo 250 Roma, uglavnom raseljenih s Kosova. Prema
Ministarstvu za ljudska i manjinska prava, posle intervencije
tog Ministarstva, Romima iz čukaričkog naselja bilo je dozvoljeno
da se presele nekoliko stotina metara dalje. U beogradskom
naselju »Betonjerka«, 29 porodica (oko 175 osoba) bilo je
prinuđeno da se odseli kada je zemljište na kojem se nalazilo
naselje predato jednom investitoru. Opštinske vlasti u saradnji
s nevladinom organizacijom Centar za romsku decu, obezbedile
su alternativni smeštaj za porodice na nekoliko različitih
lokacija; 13 porodica prihvatilo je ponudu da se smesti u
zgradi u kojoj navodno postoji problem sa azbestom. Ministar
Ljajić je ove godine zaustavio rušenje jednog naselja u industrijskoj
zoni. Jedna osmočlana romska porodica, u kojoj je bilo i
novorođenče, izbačena je na ulicu jula meseca, kada ih je
kućni savet izbacio iz stana pošto je preuzeo kontrolu nad
tom zgradom od Opštine »Stari grad«.
Skupština grada Beograda usvojila je plan za izgradnju 58
malih naselja za socijalno ugrožene osobe, sa ciljem da raseli
neka od nelegalnih romskih naselja. Beogradska opštinska
uprava je pribavila najveći deo sredstava za taj projekat
vredan 15.625 hiljada dolara (853.750.000 dinara), što je
izazvalo nezadovoljstvo u društvu zbog mišljenja da su Romi
bili favorizovani u odnosu na druge beskućnike. Beogradska
uprava je zaustavila izgradnju jednog takvog naselja posle
protesta koje su organizovali susedi, a slučaj se krajem
godine nalazio pred sudom. Kako se očekuje, situacija sa
smeštajem Roma biće pogoršana kada se u Srbiju vrati oko
50.000 Roma poreklom sa Kosova, deportovanih iz Nemačke i
Švajcarske u skladu sa bilateralnim sporazumima o povratku.
U Leskovcu i Požegi, Romima se navodno proizvoljno odbija
davanje socijalnih usluga. Romi raseljeni sa Kosova posebno
predstavljaju predmet diskriminacije i zlostavljanja; većina
njih nije imala identifikaciona dokumenta, što im je otežalo
pristup socijalnim uslugama i zdravstvenoj zaštiti koju obezbeđuje
država. Centar za edukaciju Roma prijavio je da su u Nišu
neki Romi raseljeni sa Kosova pogrešno shvaćeni kao kosovski
Albanci i po toj osnovi podvrgnuti diskriminaciji.
Neke izbeglice i interno raseljena lica, koji nisu Romi,
trpeli su diskriminaciju. Fond za humanitarno pravo izvestio
je da Vlada nije dozvolila nekim raseljenim licima sa Kosova
da kao zvanično mesto boravka navedu Kragujevac, što ih je
lišilo zdravstvenog osiguranja, socijalne pomoći i normalnog
pristupa školama. Savetovalište za ljudska prava iz Niša
prijavilo je da oko 20.000 izbeglica i interno raseljenih
lica u tom regionu trpi »tihu diskriminaciju« u oblastima
kao što su stanovanje i zapošljavanje.
Obrazovanje Roma i dalje predstavlja problem, a neposedovanje
zvaničnih dokumenata onemogućava Romima da dobijaju usluge
koje su dostupne ostalim građanima. Visoki komesar UN za
izbeglice, uz podršku Vlade, pokrenuo je obrazovne programe
iz oblasti zdravstva za Rome kao i programe za romsku decu
kako bi stekla prednost na startu i nadoknadila propušteno.
Vlada državne zajednice stavila je naglasak na veće upisivanje
romske dece u škole; Ministarstvo za ljudska i manjinska
prava obezbedilo je u novembru stipendije za Rome, uspešne
učenike srednjih škola. Tokom godine, 42 romska deteta pohađala
su srednje škole, a 41 Rom je studirao na univerzitetu, u
poređenju s 52 koliko ih je, prema ministaru za ljudska i
manjinska prava Rasimu Ljajiću, najviše bilo u istoriji Jugoslavije.
Tokom godine, srpska Vlada obezbedila je stipendije za studente
romske nacionalnosti.
Vođe etničkih Albanaca iz opština Preševo, Bujanovac i Medveđa
sa juga Srbije i dalje su se žalile na nedovoljnu zaposlenost
Albanaca u državnim strukturama (videti Odeljak 3). Sprovođenje
Čovićevog plana omogućilo je etničkim Albancima sa juga Srbije
proporcionalnu zastupljenost u policiji i većinu u lokalnim
organima uprave u opštinama u kojima predstavljaju većinu.
Tokom godine Albanci se nisu upisivali na univerzitete u
Srbiji. Od podnosilaca zahteva za program pozitivne diskriminacije
zahtevao se izlazak na prijemni ispit (koji nije morao da
se položi), ali niko to nije učinio stoga što ne govori srpski.
Ministar Ljajić, Bošnjak, bio je jedan od najprimetnijih
i najuticajnijih članova Vlade državne zajednice tokom godine.
Bošnjaci se nalaze na čelu lokalnih vlasti u tri opštine
sa većinskim muslimanskim stanovništvom u Sandžaku. U Novom
Pazaru, opštinska vlast je bošnjačkom jeziku 2002. dala zvanični
status, što omogućava srpski Zakon o lokalnoj samoupravi.
U svih sedam sandžačkih opština - Novi Pazar, Tutin, Sjenica,
Priboj, Prijepolje i Nova Varoš - postoje višenacionalne
skupštine opština.
Podsticanje na diskriminaciju
Uprkos tome što zakoni državne zajednice i Republike Srbije
predviđaju slobodu štampe, politički pritisci različitih
stranaka ograničavali su nezavisnost medija (videti Odeljak
2.a). Skupština je aprila meseca usvojila Zakon o javnom
informisanju kojim se brani širenje informacija koje podstiču
na nasilje, mržnju ili diskriminaciju (videti Odeljak 2.a).
Propaganda protiv »sekti« (verskih zajednica izvan okvira
sedam »tradicionalnih« religija) nastavlja se u štampi, a
predstavnici tih verskih grupa uočili su da se akti nasilja
često dešavaju neposredno posle takvih napisa u štampi. Prema
nekim izvorima, situaciju dodatno komplikuje to što je jedan
od vodećih srpskih stručnjaka za sekte policijski kapetan
čiji se radovi koriste u vojnim i policijskim akademijama.
Predstavnici jevrejske zajednice prijavili su povećanje antisemitizma
u štampi. Antisemitska propaganda često se pojavljuje u malotiražnim
knjigama (videti Odeljak 2.c).
Odeljak 6 Prava radnika
a. Pravo na udruživanje
Zakon predviđa pravo na udruživanje; svi zaposleni, izuzev
u vojsci i policiji, imaju zakonsko pravo da se učlane u
sindikate ili da ih osnivaju, što su radnici u praksi i činili.
U društvenom sektoru, 60-70% radnika bilo je učlanjeno u
sindikate, u privatnom sektoru samo 4-6%, a u poljoprivredi
do 3%. Savez samostalnih sindikata Srbije (SSSS), nekada
povezan sa Miloševićevim režimom, tvrdio je da ima 1.800.000
članova, mada se procenjuje da bi taj broj trebalo da bude
800.000. Najveću nezavisnu sindikalnu organizaciju predstavljaju
Ujedinjeni građanski sindikati (»Nezavisnost«) sa oko 600.000
članova. Treći najveći sindikat jeste Asocijacija slobodnih
i nezavisnih sindikata (ASNS) sa bio je ministar rada u Vladi.
Većina drugih nezavisnih sindikata bila je strukovna i imala
je oko 130.000 članova. Najveći među njima bio je sindikat
Elektroprivrede Srbije (EPS), sa preko 20.000 članova.
Krivični zakon ne brani antisindikalnu diskriminaciju; sindikat
»Nezavisnost« prijavio je veći broj slučajeva u kojima su
članove maltretirali bilo poslodavci, bilo predstavnici drugih
sindikata. Zakon o radu garantuje slobodu sindikalnog udruživanja
i aktivnosti, i predviđa da se sindikat može osnovati bez
ikakvog odobrenja i upisati u registar sindikata u Ministarstvu
rada.
Socijalno-ekonomski savet konstituisan je avgusta 2001.
u skladu s tripartitnim sporazumom između Vlade, predstavnika
sindikata i jednog udruženja poslodavaca; tokom godine, sindikati
su suspendovali članstvo u tom savetu, zahtevajući da pre
nego što se ponovo u njega vrate taj savet postane reprezentativniji
(da se u njega uključe dodatna ministarstva i organizacije
poslodavaca).
Sindikati su mogli da se povezuju sa srodnim organizacijama
u inostranstvu; međutim, međunarodna sindikalna organizacija
je samo »Nezavisnost« priznala kao sindikat potpuno nezavistan
od Vlade. »Nezavisnost« je bila član Međunarodne konfederacije
slobodnih sindikata i drugih sindikalnih organizacija.
b. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje
Poslodavci nisu bili obavezni da potpisuju kolektivne ugovore,
što, kako se žale sindikati, umanjuje njihovu ulogu u sistemu.
U sindikat mora da bude učlanjeno 15% zaposlenih da bi se
kvalifikovao da pregovara sa poslodavcem, ili 10% svih zaposlenih
da bi mogao da pregovara sa Vladom.
Kolektivno pregovaranje još uvek je u začetku. Pojedini
sindikati i dalje imaju uske ciljeve i ne udružuju se sa
sindikatima iz drugih sektora kako bi pregovarali u vezi
sa ostvarivanjem zajedničkih ciljeva. Istorija sindikata
u zemlji bila je usredsređena ne na pregovaranje za kolektivne
potrebe radnika, već pre za ostvarivanje specifičnih potreba
određene grupe radnika. Stoga, rudari, nastavnici, zaposleni
u zdravstvu i EPS-u nisu uspeli da pronađu zajednički imenitelj
za pregovaranje (na primer, zaštitu sigurnosti radnog mesta,
minimalne standarde zaštite na radu, i opšte radničke beneficije).
Ova veoma rascepkana sindikalna struktura dovela je do neznatnog
poboljšanja u pogledu zarada, ili uslova rada.
Zakon predviđa pravo na štrajk; međutim, tokom vanrednog
stanja, svi štrajkovi, protesti i javna okupljanja bili su
zabranjeni. Zakon o štrajku ograničava pravo na štrajk u
organizacijama koje pružaju »osnovne usluge«, kao što su
prosveta, električna energija i poštanske usluge, u kojima
radi oko 50% od svih zaposlenih. Oni moraju da najave štrajk
bar 15 dana unapred i moraju da osiguraju »minimalni proces
rada«. Policijske snage nisu ometale štrajkove ili hapsile
njihove vođe tokom godine.
Nezavisni sindikati, mada aktivni u pridobijanju novih članova,
nisu se dovoljno povećali da bi mogli da organizuju štrajkove
na teritoriji cele Republike; oni su ipak organizovali nekoliko
štrajkova tokom godine. U januaru, 4-5 hiljada radnika Rudarsko-topioničarskog
bazena Bor protestovalo je u svojoj fabrici i na ulicama
Bora zahtevajući isplatu zarada, bolje radne uslove i novo
rukovodstvo koje će obezbediti nove ugovore. Protest je trajao
nedelju dana i rešen je posle posete premijera Đinđića i
ministra finansija Đelića koji su pokazali razumevanje za
radničke zahteve i obećali punu podršku. Zaostale plate isplaćene
su iz republičkog budžeta i od strane kompanije, ali održivo
funkcionisanje kompanije i dalje predstavlja problem. U martu,
carinski službenici, kojima je zakonski ograničeno pravo
na štrajk, pojačali su pregled na carinskim prelazima protestujući
da bi dobili povećanje plata, što je stvorilo 6 km duge redove
na granici. Ovaj vid protesta od strane carinskih službenika
imao je za cilj pritisak na nove pretpostavljene u Vladi,
u periodu kada je nadležnost prelazila sa saveznog na republički
nivo. Vlada se nije složila sa njihovim zahtevima, ali je
ministar finansija Đelić uspeo da reši njihove zahteve.
Tokom leta održano je više velikih protesta. Protestovali
su zaposleni u nekoliko republičkih institucija - uključujući
i zaposlene u nekim telima koja su ranije pripadala saveznoj
vladi, a potpala su pod nadležnost republičke Vlade - uglavnom
tražeći više plate.
Sindikat EPS-a organizovao je najveći protest tokom leta,
kada je uskratio izvesne usluge građanima; protest je eskalirao
do četvorodnevne blokade glavne gradske saobraćajnice, koja
prolazi pored Skupštine, i završio se sporazumom između sindikalnih
vođa i Ministarstva energetike.
U avgustu su poljoprivredni proizvođači i njihovi sindikati,
kao i neki radnici, izazvali haos u saobraćaju u nekoliko
delova Srbije time što su blokirali puteve da bi protestovali
zbog različitih problema, od privatizacije do zaostalih isplata
za useve. Istovremeno, radnici jednog malog poljoprivrednog
preduzeća u Erdeviku, u severnoj srpskoj pokrajini Vojvodini,
stalno su blokirali glavni put traktorima i kamionima protestujući
zbog načina na koji je preduzeće privatizovano.
Zaposleni u javnom sektoru, uključujući nastavnike, zaposlene
u zdravstvu i pomoćno osoblje u sudovima, organizovali su
tokom godine štrajkove, zahtevajući sigurnost radnih mesta,
veće plate i redovnu isplatu zarada. Uopšteno, strah zbog
sigurnosti radnih mesta koji izaziva visoka nezaposlenost,
kao i neorganizovanost sindikata u privatnom sektoru, ograničavali
su spremnost radnika da štrajkuju.
Slobodne carinske zone ne postoje.
c. Zabrana prinudnog ili ropskog rada
Zakon zabranjuje prinudni i ropski rad, uključujući i rad
dece, ali bilo je izveštaja da je takvih slučajeva bilo u
praksi (videti Odeljak 6.d i f).
d. Rad dece i donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje
Donja starosna granica prilikom zapošljavanja iznosi 16
godina, uprkos tome što u selima i poljoprivrednim područjima
obično mogu da se nađu i mlađa deca koja rade i pomažu porodici.
Deca - posebno romska - često rade različite neprijavljene
poslove, obično peru prozore automobila, ili prodaju sitnice
kao što su novine; međutim, poslednjih godina ova vrsta rada
je manje prisutna stoga što su odrasli, koji ne mogu da se
na drugi način zaposle, preuzeli mnoge od tih poslova. Romsku
decu porodice često primoravaju na fizički rad, prošenje,
ili ih prodaju u inostranstvu da bi se organizovano bavili
prošenjem, ili krađom (videti Odeljak 6.f). Inspekcija Ministarstva
rada proveravala je da li ima zaposlene dece, a Ministarstvo
za socijalnu politiku uključilio je sprečavanje rada dece
u svoje redovne programe zaštite dece i porodice.
Skupština državne zajednice SCG ratifikovala je Konvenciju
182 Međunarodne organizacije rada koja se odnosi na najgore
oblike rada dece.
e. Prihvatljivi uslovi rada
Velika državna preduzeća, uključujući sve velike banke i
industrijska i trgovinska preduzeća, uglavnom su poštovala
propisanu minimalnu zaradu od 75 dolara (4.400 dinara) mesečno.
Ovaj iznos može se približno uporediti sa naknadama za slučaj
nezaposlenosti i, bar teorijski, isplaćivana je radnicima
koji su se nalazili na prinudnom odmoru. Minimalna zarada
nije bila dovoljna da obezbedi pristojan životni standard
radniku i njegovoj porodici. Na primer, cena hrane i komunalnih
usluga za četvoročlanu porodicu iznosi, kako se procenjuje,
200 dolara (12.000 dinara) mesečno. Privatna preduzeća su
koristila minimalnu platu kao smernicu, ali su obično davala
nešto više plate.
Izveštaji o poslastičarnicama su bili retki, mada su uslovi
rada u nekim privatnim fabrikama tekstila veoma loši. Prema
lideru sindikata »Nezavisnost« Branislavu Čanku, većina ovih
fabrika bila je smeštena u privatnim kućama u seoskim područjima
Sandžaka, što otežava otkrivanje i primenu zakona.
Zvanična radna nedelja u trajanju od 40 sati uglavnom se
poštovala od strane državnih preduzeća, ali ne i od strane
privatnih firmi. Prema Zakonu o radu, zaposleni ne smeju
da rade prekovremeno duže od 4 sata dnevno, ili više od 240
sati tokom jedne kalendarske godine. Plaćanje prekovremenog
rada regulisano je kolektivnim ugovorima.
Ministarstvo rada je u februaru reorganizovalo svoju inspekcijsku
službu i objavilo otvaranje novih radnih mesta za 500 inspektora.
Svako preduzeće je moralo da organizuje službu zaštite na
radu koja bi bila zadužena za sprovođenje odgovarajućih propisa;
međutim, u praksi, ove službe su se uglavnom bavile najosnovnijim
aspektima bezbednosti, kao što je kupovina sapuna i deterdženata,
a ne obezbeđivanjem zaštitne opreme za radnike. Prema nekim
procenama, u Srbiji se svake godine dogodi 20.000 povreda
na radu, od kojih oko 100 sa smrtonosnim posledicama. Zbog
konkurencije prilikom zapošljavanja i visokog stepena državne
kontrole nad privredom, radnici koji napuštaju opasna radna
mesta rizikuju da ostanu nezaposleni.
f. Trgovina ljudima
Zakon zabranjuje trgovinu ljudima, ali ona i dalje predstavlja
problem. U krivični zakon je 11. aprila uneta izmena kojom
se trgovina ljudima kvalifikuje kao krivično delo. Da bi
hapsile trgovce ljudima, vlasti su ranije koristile zakone
u vezi s otmicama, ropstvom, krijumčarenjem i posredovanjem
u prostituciji. Zatvorska kazna za to novo krivično delo
iznosi 1-10 godina za pojedinačne slučajeve, 3-40 godina
za višestruke prekršaje i 5-40 godina ukoliko je u trgovinu
uključeno maloletno lice, ili ako je žrtva ubijena.
Vlada je izvestila da je uhapsila oko 30 osoba koje su se
tokom godine bavile ovim vidom trgovine, gotovo sve za vreme
vanrednog stanja. Do 1. oktobra nijedan slučaj pokrenut na
osnovu novog zakona o trgovini ljudima još nije dospeo pred
sud; međutim, tokom godine su izricane presude u vezi sa
sličnim optužbama. Policajci su dobili uputstva kako da razlikuju
žrtve trgovine ljudima od prostituki i ilegalnih useljenika,
a policija je, kada je verovala da se u prihvatnom centru
za strance pojavila neka moguća žrtva trgovine ljudima, pozivala
Međunarodnu organizaciju za migracije (IOM), kako bi se obavila
zvanična identifikacija. Država je izvestila da je 200 policajaca
prošlo kroz obuku za borbz protiv trgovine ljudima, koja
je uključena u njihov redovni program. Policija je pružala
pomoć i u međunarodnim istragama vezanim za trgovinu ljudima.
Zemlja je služila kao tranzit, ali u mnogo manjoj meri je
bila zemlja porekla ili odredište u trgovini ženama i devojkama
u cilju seksualne eksploatacije. Srbija je pre svega tranzitna
zemlja u međunarodnoj trgovini ženama koje odlaze na Kosovo,
Bosnu i Hercegovinu i u Zapadnu Evropu. Zemlje iz kojih najviše
potiču žrtve trgovine ljudima jesu Moldavija, Rumunija, Ukrajina,
Rusija i Bugarska. Prema proceni IOM-a, tokom 2002. godine
kroz Srbiju je na taj način prošlo 6-7.000 žena. Od januara,
IOM se susretao sa manje žena koje su prolazile kroz Srbiju,
ali nije jasno u kojoj meri ova tendencija odražava smanjenje
obima te trgovine, a u kojoj je do nje došlo usled drugih
činilaca, kao što je bolje prikrivanje posle regionalnih
operacija usmerenih protiv trgovine ljudima koje su sprovedene
2002. Nikakva pouzdana procena ne postoji o broju žena koje
drže trgovci ljudima u zemlji. Srbija tradicionalno nije
predstavljala važan izvor u trgovini ženama, ali su teški
ekonomski uslovi povećali izloženost žena u Srbiji toj trgovini,
posebno Romkinja. Trgovina decom koja se koriste za prošenje
i krađu predstavlja problem među Romima.
Načini »regrutovanja« uključuju oglase za poslovnu pratnju,
bračne ponude i ponude za posao. Često se dešavalo da su
žene svesno otišle da rade kao prostitutke, da bi kasnije,
pošto bi napustile svoju zemlju porekla i našle se u rukama
trgovaca, otkrivale da su u stvari zatočenice. Priča se da
su posle operacija preduzetih 2002. protiv trgovaca ljudima,
neki od njih počeli da tretiraju te žene nešto bolje, da
im daju izvesne male svote novca i da im odobravaju izvesnu
slobodu kretanja i kontakt sa porodicom. Žene se regrutuju,
transportuju, prodaju i drže zatočene od strane mreža međunarodnog
organizovanog kriminala. Glavni punkt u Srbiji u kojem su
se držale i prebacivale žene koje su bile predmet trgovine
bio je Beograd.
Nije bilo izveštaja da su državni funkcioneri u Srbiji učestvovali
u trgovini ljudima, ili da su se pravili da je ne primećuju,
mada se taj vid trgovine nije mogao obavljati bez saradnje
bar nekih policajaca, carinika i nižih činovnika. Nijedan
policajac, niti carinik nije bio uhapšen zbog potpomaganja
trgovine ljudima tokom godine; međutim, 2002. godine u racijama
je uhapšeno 12 policajaca koji su obezbeđivali lokacije gde
su se nalazile žene žrtve trgovine ljudima. Krivična prijava
podignuta je protiv jednog policajca, a ostali su novčano
kažnjeni, suspendovani, ili otpušteni sa posla.
S prestankom postojanja SRJ položaj koordinatora za borbu
protiv trgovine ljudima preseljen je sa saveznog na republički
nivo i dodeljen je zameniku načelnika pogranične policije.
Koordinator se nalazi na čelu multidisciplinarnog tima za
borbu protiv trgovine ljudima, koji uključuje mnoge ministre
iz srpske Vlade (unutrašnjih poslova, socijalne politike,
zdravlja, pravde, rada i finansija), IOM, OEBS i dve lokalne
nevladine organizacije - ASTRA, koja se isključivo bavi borbom
protiv trgovine ljudima i održava telefonsku vezu za žrtve
te trgovine i koja je sprovela široku kampanju za upoznavanje
javnosti kako bi se sprečila trgovina ljudima, i Savetovalište
protiv nasilja u porodici, koje ima prihvatilište za žrtve
trgovine ljudima. Nevladine organizacije i volonteri pružali
su pravnu, lekarsku, psihološku i druge vrste pomoći žrtvama.
IOM je organizovala repatrijaciju žrtava, i uspela je da
tokom godine vrati kućama 36 žena za koje je utvrđeno da
su bile žrtve trgovine. IOM je tokom godine takođe pomogla
reintegraciju u društvo 10 lokalnih žrtava. IOM je 2002.
otvorila i regionalni informativni centar u vezi sa žrtvama
trgovine, koji je radio u prostorijama u Beogradu koje im
je poklonila Vlada. U svakom policijskom okrugu je ustanovljen
tim za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima.
Kosovo
U skladu sa Rezolucijom 1244 Saveta bezbednosti UN, Kosovo
se nalazi pod civilnom upravom Misije UN (UNMIK). UNMIK i
njen civilni administrator, specijalni predstavnik generalnog
sekretara UN-a, uspostavili su civilnu upravu 1999, po okončanju
vojne intervencije NATO-a, koja je prinudila na povlačenje
jugoslovenske i srpske snage. UNMIK je 2001. objavio ustavni
okvir za privremenu autonomiju Kosova (ustavni okvir), kojim
se definišu privremene institucije samouprave (privremene
kosovske institucije). Privremene kosovske institucije čini
Skupštine Kosova sa 120 poslanika, koja je 2002. izabrala
Ibrahima Rugovu za predsednika Kosova, a Bajrama Redžepija
za predsednika Vlade, isto kao i druge visoke funkcionere.
Na Kosovu postoji višestranački sistem sa tri dominantne
jednonacionalne albanske partije i nekoliko manjinskih stranaka
i koalicija. Opštinski izbori su održani 2002, i bili su
dobro organizovani, mirni i u skladu sa međunarodnim standardima.
UNMIK je izdao propise u vezi sa građanskim i zakonskim
obavezama vladinih organa i privatnih lica i objavio je zakone
koje je Skupština Kosova usvojila. Propisi UNMIK-a obavezuje
sve nosioce javnih funkcija, uključujući sudije, da poštuju
međunarodne zakone u oblasti ljudskih prava. Ustavni okvir
predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim, i međunarodni i lokalni
sudovi i dalje su povremeno ispoljavali pristrasnost i bili
podložni uticaju sa strane, posebno kada su u pitanju slučajevi
koji uključuju pripadnike različitih etničkih grupa.
Mirovne snage na Kosovu, koje pod okriljem UN-a predvodi
NATO, poznate kao KFOR, nastavile su da izvršavaju svoje
zadatke u održavanju unutrašnje bezbednosti i zaštite od
spoljnih pretnji. Za održavanja reda i mira zadužena je civilna
policija UNMIK-a, koja i dalje prenosi osnovna policijska
ovlašćenja i zadatke na Kosovsku policijsku službu, ali zadržava
nadzor. Kosovski zaštitni korpus, snage zadužene za hitno
delovanje u nepredviđenim situacijama, u čiji sastav ulaze
razoružani borci bivše Oslobodilačke vojske Kosova (OVK)
i dalje se obučavaju i usavršavaju svoje sposobnosti za reagovanje
u kriznim situacijama, a realizuju i humanitarne projekte.
Iako međunarodne civilne vlasti koje deluju u okviru UNMIK-a
i KFOR-a uopšteno održavaju efikasnu kontrolu nad policijskim
snagama, bilo je slučajeva u kojima su delovi tih snaga delovali
nezavisno u odnosu na nadređeni organ. Neki pripadnici policijskih
snaga kršili su ljudska prava.
Privreda u tranziciji od centralno planske ka tržišnoj,
zasnivala se najviše na poljoprivredi, rudarstvu i građevinarstvu,
uz veliko oslanjanje na pomoć iz inostranstva. Na Kosovu
je živelo, kako se procenjuje, 1.700.000 ljudi. BDP je porastao
za 2% tokom godine i skoro 60% od 2000. Glavne industrije
nisu obnovile rad, a privreda i dalje stagnira; UNMIK je
započeo proces privatizacije, koji je tokom godine nailazio
na teškoće. Bilo je i značajnih kriminalnih privrednih aktivnosti.
Prema procenama, stopa nezaposlenosti među kosovskim Albancima
je 50-60%, a među kosovskim Srbim i drugim etničkim zajednicama
još veća.
UNMIK i privremene kosovske institucije uopšteno su poštovali
ljudska prava stanovnika Kosova; međutim, u nekim delovima
je bilo ozbiljnih problema u tom smislu. Dogodilo se nekoliko
ubistava u napadima za koje se smatra da su bili politički
motivisani. Bilo je smrtnih slučajeva i ranjavanja izazvanih
nagaznim minama, a posebno neeksplodiranom municijom, ali
manje nego prethodnih godina. Bilo je i slučajeva otmica.
Napori UNMIK-a da se nastavi ekshumacija grobnica i identifikacija
posmrtnih ostataka pojačali su se tokom godine. Bilo je tvrdnji
da su KFOR i civilna policija povremno koristili prekomernu
silu. Dvanaest pripadnika Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa bilo
je suspendovano posle istrage u kojoj su UNMIK i KFOR utvrdili
da su pružali materijalnu podršku kriminalnim aktivnostima.
Problem je predstavljao dug boravak u pritvoru prilikom istražnog
postupka; on se i dalje rutinski koristi u krivičnim slučajevima,
mada je namera bila da se ta mera koristi samo u izuzetnim
situacijama. Sudovi nisu uvek uspeli da obezbede valjan postupak.
Medijske kuće kritikovale su propise UNMIK-a, koji zabranjuju
članke koji bi mogli da podstiču kriminal, ili nasilje, kao
kršenje slobode govora i štampe. UNMIK je povremeno ograničavao
slobodu okupljanja i uz primenu sile prekidao neke nasilne
demonstracije. Verske i etničke tenzije i nasilje, i dalje
postoje. Sloboda kretanja etničkih manjina, posebno kosovskih
Srba, i dalje je predstavljalo ozbiljan problem; mnogi od
oko 100.000 kosovskih Srba koji su ostali na Kosovu i dalje
žive na severu, ili u enklavama pod zaštitom KFOR-a. Od 225.000
pripadnika etničkih zajednica (uključujući oko 170.000 kosovskih
Srba i 25.000 Roma) raseljenih posle juna 1999, veoma malo
se vratilo na Kosovo zbog zabrinutosti za ličnu bezbednost
i slobodu kretanja, kao i zbog nemogućnosti zapošljavanja.
Uprkos ovome, napori da se olakša povratak interno raseljenih
lica pojačali su se tokom godine. Neke međunarodne agencije
i nevladine organizacije i dalje organizuju projekte povratka
u malom obimu.
Nasilje i diskriminacija žena još uvek je predstavljalo
ozbiljan problem. Osobe sa umanjenim mentalnim i fizičkim
sposobnostima i dalje su se suočavale sa značajnom diskriminacijom
u društvu i nije im bio omogućen pristup adekvatnim socijalnim
i zdravstvenim uslugama, uprkos izvesnim naporima da se poboljšaju
usluge i sigurnost. Nivo nasilja prema kosovskim Srbima zadržao
se u velikoj meri, uz nekoliko posebno svirepih slučajeva
koji su privukli veliku pažnju. Nijedan počinilac ubistava
nad Srbima iz, kako se pretpostavlja, etničkih razloga, nije
bio uhapšen tokom godine, što je izazvalo veliku zabrinutost
u srpskoj zajednici. Zaposlenost dece se povećala, pošto
se sve više siromašnih seoskih porodica seli u gradove. Trgovina
ljudima, posebno ženama koje se primoravaju na prostituciju,
i dalje je predstavljala ozbiljan problem.
Poštovanje ljudskih prava
Odeljak 1 Poštovanje integriteta ličnosti:
a. Proizvoljno ili nezakonito lišavanje života
Ne postoje izveštaji o proizvoljnom ili nezakonitom lišavanju
života od strane UNMIK-a, privremenih kosovskih institucija,
KFOR-a, ili njihovih predstavnika.
Okružni sud u Prištini osudio je 1. februara pripadnika
UNMIK-a Džona Atangu na godinu dana zatvora za ubistvo iz
nehata, koje se dogodilo kada je svojim vozilom pregazio
dve osobe 1999.
Tokom godine policija je prijavila 72 ubistva; 2 više nego
2002. (videti Odeljak 5). Neka ubistva bi mogla da budu politički
motivisana, posebno stoga što su neke od žrtava bile ili
funkcioneri političkih stranaka, ili uključene u važne političke
aktivnosti; međutim, broj ovakvih slučajeva značajno se smanjio
posle 2002.
Pripadnik civilne policije UNMIK-a Satiš Menon ubijen je
19. avgusta vatrom iz automatskog oružja, koja je otvorena
na njegov automobil. Slučaj do kraja godine nije rešen. Pripadnik
kosovske policije Hajder Ahmeti ubijen je 9. septembra iz
zasede od strane nepoznatih lica u blizini reke Erenik, kada
se vraćao kući sa dužnosti. Policija je izvršila raciju u
naselju Berijaha u Đakovici i uhapsila trojicu osumnjičenih
za Ahmetijevo ubistvo; međutim, suđenje nije otpočelo do
kraja godine. Pokušaj ubistva istražitelja teških krivičnih
dela u Kosovskoj policijski službi Fadila Silevikija, 10.
septembra, nije uspeo; međutim, njegov saradnik, Agim Makoli,
ubijen je iz zasede. Sileviki je svedočio 17. juna na procesu
protiv Rustema Mustafe, ili »komandanta Remija«, na kojem
su izrečene presude zbog počinjenih ratnih zločina i zatvorske
kazne u ukupnom trajanju od 45 godina četvorici pripadnika
OVK, uključujući Mustafu koji je ranije takođe bio komandant
sektora u Kosovskom zaštitnom korpusu (videti Odeljak 1.e).
Nepoznati počinioci ubili su 24. novembra dva pripadnika
Kosovskog zaštitnog korupsa, Sebahata Tolaja i Isufa Haklaja
, iz regionalne jedinice za borbu protiv teških krivičnih
dela dok su se vozili na posao; obojica su tokom rata bili
potčinjeni Tahiru Zemaju i zvanično su istraživali Zemajev
slučaj.
Nekoliko svedoka u važnim sudskim procesima su ubijeni,
ili napadnuti tokom godine, što je ukazalo na nedostatak
adekvatnog programa zaštite svedoka. Dva svedoka u slučaju
Dukađinske grupe su bila ubijena, Tahir Zemaj 4. januara
i Ilir Selimaj 14. aprila. Pored toga, nekoliko svedoka je
preživelo pokušaj ubistva, uključujući i svedoka u slučaju
Dukađini, Ramiza Mulićija i pripadnika kosovske policije
i svedoka u slučaju Remijeve grupe, Fadila Silevica. Naširoko
se špekulisalo da je nekoliko pripadnika kosovske policije
bilo ubijeno zbog toga što su učestvovali u istraživanju
nekih poznatih, nerešenih krivičnih dela, uključujući pripadnika
kosovske policije Hajdera Ahmetija 7. septembra i 2 pripadnika
kosovske policije iz regionalne jedinice za teška krivična
dela iz Peći Isufa Hakaja i Sabahata Tolaja, 24. novembra.
Suđenje bivšem pripadniku OVK Saliju Veseliju i trojici
drugih osumnjičenih da su 2002. ubili bivšeg zapovednika
OVK, Ekrema Redže, poznatog pod imenom »komandant Drini«,
koje je otpočelo 2002, završeno je 24. marta. Sud je utvrdio
da je Sali Veseli kriv zbog podsticanja na ubistvo i osudio
ga na zatvorsku kaznu u trajanju od 10 godina; Džemalja Bekiraj
osuđen je na jednogodišnju zatvorsku kaznu, Halil Čadraku
na dve godine i šest meseci zbog posedovanja oružja bez dozvole,
a Abit Haziraj je oslobođen.
Pošto su 2002. godine izrečene presude petorici bivših viših
pripadnika OVK, dva ključna svedoka na procesu ubijena su
u dva odvojena slučaja. Tahir Zemaj, bivši komandant jedne
sada raspuštene gerilske formacije, Oružanih snaga Republike
Kosovo, rivalske formacije u odnosu na OVK, njegov sin i
njegov nećak ubijeni su 4. januara. Ilir Selimaj, nekadašnji
član jedinice OVK kojoj je pripadao optuženi, i njegova trudna
snaja, ubijeni su 14. aprila.
Do kraja godine nisu izvršena nikakva hapšenja za ubistvo
Smaila Hajdaraja, poslanika Demokratskog saveza Kosova (DSK)
u Skupštini Kosova, koje se dogodilo 2002. Sud u Prizrenu
proglasio je krivim i osudio na 20 godina i 6 meseci zatvora
Jetulaha Krijezijua zbog ubistva Uke Bitićija, predsednika
SO Suva Reka, člana DSK, 2002. godine, kada su dva njegova
telohranitelja Bajram Bitići i Baktir Bajrami takođe ustreljeni;
isti sud je osudio Mentora Krijezijua na petomesečnu zatvorsku
kaznu zbog sakrivanja oružja. Do kraja godine nisu podignute
optužnice protiv nekolicine osumnjičenih, koji su 2002. uhapšeni
zato što su 2001. ubili Bekima Kastratija, novinara lista
bliskog Demokratskom savezu Kosova »Bota sot«, i telehranitelja
Besima Dajakua, takođe člana DSK.
Nije postignut napredak u vezi s nekoliko ubistava iz prethodnih
godina, uključujući slučajeve iz 2001: ubistvo Ismeta Racija,
predsednika ogranka DSK i predsednika SO Klina, ubistvo Ahmeta
Balaja, člana Odbora DSK iz Mitrovice, ubistvo Kerima Ismailija
iz Demokratske inicijative Kosova i ubistvo dva brata od
kojih je jedan bio telohranitelj predsednika SO Istok.
Tokom godine bilo je više napada na kosovske Srbe kao i
ubistava, uključujući i slučajeve kada su počinioci bili
drugi Srbi (videti Odeljak 5).
Nagazne mine i neeksplodirana municija, zaostali iz sukoba
1999. i dalje su problem, posebno u seoskim područjima; međutim,
broj nesrećnih slučajeva smanjio se u odnosu na prethodne
godine. Tokom godine, neeksplodirana municija ili mine prouzrokovali
su pogibiju tri i ranjavanje 16 osoba, u poređenju sa 8 smrtnih
slučajeva i 8 ranjavanja u 2002. Neeksplodirana municija,
posebno ostaci kasetnih bombi NATO-a, predstavljali su najveću
opasnost; patrole KFOR-a i dalje ih gotovo svakodnevno pronalaze.
Domaći sudovi i Međunarodni krivični sud za bivšu Jugoslaviju
nastavili su da rešavaju slučajeve u vezi sa zločinima počinjenim
tokom sukoba 1998-1999. godine (videti Odeljak 1.e i 4).
b. Nestanak lica
Nije bilo izveštaja o nestalim licima iz političkih motiva.
Međutim, bilo je optužbi za međuetničke, politički motivisane
otmice i pokušaje otmica.
Četiri naoružane osobe kidnapovale su 6. avgusta 11 kosovskih
Albanaca dok su bili na izletu u planinama u Istoku i zatražile
objašnjenje zašto se u opštini Istok ometa prodaja srpske
imovine. Za otete je najpre tražen otkup, ali su kasnije
pušteni. Jedna dvanaestogodišnja devojčica srpske nacionalnosti
iz sela Dobrotin u septembru je tvrdila da je nekoliko Albanaca
pokušalo da je otme, a nekoliko dana kasnije jedna dvadesetogodišnja
Srpkinja iznela je sličnu tvrdnju. Međutim, kasnija istraga
koju su sproveli KFOR, civilna policija i kosovska policija,
zaključila je da su ova dva slučaja bila inscenirana, ili
izmišljena.
Kancelarija UNMIK-a za nestala lica sprovodila je bolje
povezane i koordinirane aktivnosti u vezi sa nestalim licima
na Kosovu. Uprkos izvesnim neslaganjima, Kancelarija za nestala
lica potpisala je memorandum o razumevanju s Međunarodnom
komisijom za nestala lica, kojim se definiše postupak za
analizu DNK, kooordiniran sa istragama i ekshumacijama jedinice
za nestala lica civilne policije. Kancelarija za nestala
lica takođe je ostvarila značajan napredak u reformisanju
forenzičke službe na Kosovu, tako što je osnovala i opremila
jednu novu laboratoriju. Kancelarija za nestala lica osnovala
je istureno odeljenje u Beogradu, kako bi olakšala saradnju
sa srpskim vlastima i povećala transparentnost. Iz Srbije
je 8. maja prebačeno 37 tela u okviru prve primopredaje posmrtnih
ostataka, za kojom su usledile i druge, 22 tela 12. jula,
43 tela 23. jula, 40 tela 16. oktobra i 44 tela 5. decembra.
Privremene kosovske institucije osnovale su 9. januara vladinu
komisiju za nestala lica čiji je značaj porastao do kraja
godine kada je organizovala direktne razgovore o nestalim
licima između prištinske delegacije i Vlade državne zajednice
SCG.
Na kraju godine bilo je još oko 3.600 lica koja su se vodila
kao nestala - od toga oko 75% Albanaca i oko 25% Srba i drugih
etničkih grupa. Od 1999. do kraja godine, ekshumirani su
posmrtni ostaci 4.638 osoba, ili su ponovo ekshumirani u
cilju identifikacije, uključujući i 619 tokom ove godine.
Na kraju godine, nije ostalo neobavljeno nijedno forenzičko
ispitivanje. Međutim, moguće je da postoje i druge lokacije.
Tokom godine, Kancelarija za nestala lica dobila je 365 rezultata
analize DNK, uključujući i 277 pozitivnih identifikacija;
114 je potvrdilo prethodne pretpostavljene identifikacije
na osnovu tradicionalne metode, 48 je dalo negativne rezultate,
a 40 je pokazalo da se radi o duplikatima. Kancelarija za
nestala lica identifikovala je i uz izdate umrlice vratila
porodicama posmrtne ostatke 387 osoba, od kojih su 331 pripadali
Albancima, a 56 pripadnicima drugih nacionalnosti, uključujući
i Srbe. U nekim slučajevima, proces je usporilo neslaganje
sa članovima porodice u vezi sa navedenim vremenom i razlogom
smrti. Srpske vlasti su predale porodicama 187 identifikovanih
tela nad kojima je Kancelarija za nestala lica izvršila forenzičku
analizu.
c. Mučenje i drugi vidovi svirepog, nehumanog, ili ponižavajućeg
postupanja ili kažnjavanja
Zakon zabranjuje takvu praksu; međutim, bilo je izveštaja
da su civilna policija, kosovska policija i Kosovski zaštitni
korpus povremeno koristili prekomernu silu, ili zlostavljali
ljude.
Civilna policija je optužena da je 19. juna primenila prekomernu
silu protiv medicinskog osoblja srpske nacionalnosti, pacijenata
i građana koji su se našli u okolini, pokušavajući da preuzme
kliniku u Kosovu Polju, koju je ispraznio KFOR. Takođe juna
meseca, medicinsko osoblje iz Prištinske bolnice optužilo
je pripadnike civilne policije za maltretiranje duševnih
bolesnika iz zatvora u Dubravi. Na zahtev čuvara, kosovski
ombudsman posetio je ove pacijente da bi utvrdio da li je
došlo do bilo kakvog kršenja njihovih prava. Ombudsman je
poslao pisma komesaru policije UNMIK-a, kao i njenom načelniku,
i sudiji, ali nije bio zadovoljan njihovim odgovorima.
Bivši pripadnik civilne policije Martin Almer osuđen je
7. oktobra na zatvorsku kaznu od tri godine, a dva bivša
pripadnika kosovske policije, Feriz Taki i Isa Oluri, osuđeni
su na po šest meseci za nanošenje lakših povreda prilikom
iznuđivanja lažne izjave od Gezima Curija iz Đakovice i za
fizičko zlostavljanje. Almer se vratio u zemlju iz koje potiče
ubrzo posle incidenta koji se dogodio februara 2002, a kasnije
je bio osuđen u odsustvu.
Neki članovi Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa bili su odgovorni
za slučajeve ponižavanja i iznuđivanja, a u nekoliko zona
ovakvo neprimereno ponašanje možda su organizovali i tolerisali
lokalni zapovednici Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa. Neki pripadnici
Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa bili su direktno uključeni u
nasilne kriminalne aktivnosti tzv. Albanske nacionalne armije.
Jedan od dvojice poginulih, kada je 12. aprila bomba koju
su postavljali na železničkom mostu u Ložištu u opštini Zvečan
pre vremena eksplodirala bio je pripadnik Kosovskog zaštitnog
korpusa. Posle ovog incidenta, UNMIK je u maju otkazao sve
aktivnosti Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa i obuku izvan Kosova,
a komandant Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa Agim Čeku suspendovao
je nekoliko pripadnika za koje se sumnjalo da su uključeni
u nelegalne aktivnosti. Međutim, ova odluka je kasnije povučena.
U decembru, 12 pripadnika Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa bilo
je suspendovano na šest meseci, uz isplaćene šestomesečne
plate, pošto je zajednička istraga koju su obavili UNMIK
i KFOR otkrila umešanost u kriminalne radnje; krajem godine
istraga njihovih navodnih prestupa još je bila u toku.
Pripadnici policije UNMIK-a su u junu lišili slobode dva
pripadnika Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa, Bekira Prokšija i
Samija Kodru, za koje se sumnjalo da su 17. jula zlostavljali
jednog civila; ova dvojica kasnije su puštena. Veći broj
pripadnika Kosovskog zaštitnog korupsa uhapšen je zbog zločina
protiv drugih kosovskih Albanaca; prema optužnici, njihove
delatnosti bile su usmerene na bivše pripadnike OVK. Uprkos
ovim incidentima, disciplina se u Kosovskom zaštitnom korpusu
uopšteno popravila, a izveštaji u vezi sa zastrašivanjima
bili su ređi.
Bilo je izveštaja o pokušajima zastrašivanja od strane pripadnika
UNMIK-a, OEBS-a, Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa i KFOR-a. Jula
2002. dogodilo se šest eksplozija u Klokotu i jedna u Blacu;
tom prilikom povređena su dva vojnika KFOR-a. Istraga u vezi
sa oba slučaja krajem godine bila je još u toku.
Početkom godine, UNMIK je rasformirao paravojnu organizaciju
kosovskih Srba poznatu pod nazivom »Čuvari mosta«; međutim,
Albanci u Mitrovici tvrdili su da su njeni pripadnici uključeni
u druge organizacije i dalje delovali u i oko granice između
severnog i južnog dela Mitrovice (videti Odeljak 5). Bivši
»čuvari mosta« navodno su bili uključeni u međuetničko nasilje
u Mitrovici. Bilo je izveštaja da je grupa srpskih ekstremista
u severnoj Mitrovici, tzv. »pitbulovi«, bila povezana s bivšim
»čuvarima mosta« i da je možda koordinirala decembarski napad
na predsednika Vlade Redžepija i delegaciju Svetske banke
(videti Odeljak 5). U ostalim izveštajima se tvrdi da je
tu grupu predvodio Marjan Ilinčić, bivši vođa »čuvara mosta«,
koga policija traži zbog napada na pripadnike policijskih
snaga iz Poljske i na druga lica (videti Odeljak 5).
Zatvorski uslovi uopšteno su odgovarali međunarodnim standardima;
međutim, prenatrpanost, nedostatak odgovarajućih uslova za
rekreaciju i potrebne popravke i dalje su predstavljali probleme.
Pod upravom UNMIK-a na Kosovu se nalazilo šest zatvora male
i srednje veličine, u Prištini, Prizrenu, Mitrovici, Peći
i Gnjilanu. Krajem godine u zatvorima je bilo oko 1.250 osoba.
U septembru je u Lipljanu otvoren novi zatvor koji može da
primi 140 zatvorenika, većinom maloletnike, osobe sa psihičkim
smetnjama i žene. Bilo je nekoliko pritužbi na loš postupak
od strane čuvara.
Zatvorenici su tokom godine štrajkovali glađu, uglavnom
protestujući protiv zatvorskih uslova. U zatvoru u Dubravi
zatvorenici su 4. septembra organizovali pobunu i zabarikadirali
vrata u jednom zatvorskom bloku, protestujući zbog loših
životnih uslova. Pošto su zatvorski čuvari pokušali da uđu
u taj blok, zatvorenici su zapalilii vatru pri čemu je pet
osoba poginulo, a 17 bilo povređeno, a uništen je i prostor
koji je mogao da primi 400 zatvorenika. UNMIK je osnovao
nezavisnu komisiju i sproveo istragu u vezi sa ovim slučajem,
na osnovu koje je zaključeno da je pobunu pre svega izazvao
nizak moral i frustracija usled nedovoljne obuke lokalnog
zatvorskog osoblja, neadekvatnih higijenskih uslova, neredovnog
snabdevanja vodom i nedostatka obrazovnih i rekreativnih
aktivnosti u zatvoru. Komisija je takođe ukazala na proceduralne
nedostatke u vezi sa reagovanjem na požar i na konstruktivne
nedostatke zatvorske zgrade, nepostojanje planova za nepredviđene
situacije, neadekvatno definisanu komandnu odgovornost i
neadekvatnu opremu za gašenje požara i evakuaciju, što je
povećalo štetu prouzrokovanu incidentom.
Ombudsman je izneo primedbe na račun postupanja sa zatvorenicima
sa psihičkim smetnjama koje u Prištinskoj bolnici čuva policija
UNMIK-a. UNMIK je izgradio posebna odeljenja za takve zatvorenike
u bolnicama u Peći i Prizrenu; međutim, uprava Prištinske
bolnice nije dozvolila da se izgrade takvi objekti.
Muškarci i žene su odvojeni u zatvorima. U zatvoru u Debrovi
nalaze se maloletni prestupnici, starosti od 17 do 21 godine;
oni su odvojeni od odraslih zatvorenika. Postojao je jedan
zatvor srednje veličine, tzv. »kazneno-popravni dom«, u kojem
su se nalazile osobe mlađe od 18 godina i žene. Osobe u pritvoru
koje su čekale na suđenje uopšteno su bile odvojene od osuđenih
počinilaca krivičnih dela.
KFOR je ukinuo svoju pritvorsku jedinicu u bazi Bondstil,
koju je ranije koristio za osobe optužene za ratne zločine,
ozbiljne prekršaje na etničkoj osnovi i političko nasilje,
uključujući i korišćenje oružja, ali i dalje može da drži
takva lica u pritvoru. Zapovednik KFOR-a izdao je vansudski
izvršni nalog za hapšenje Šefćeta Muslijua, koji je čekao
suđenje zakazano za kraj godine. Specijalni predstavnik generalnog
sekretara imao je isto ovlašćenje da to učini, ali ga nije
koristio tokom godine.
Zatvorske vlasti redovno su dozvoljavale posete nezavisnim
posmatračima koji su proveravali stanje ljudskih prava. Zatvori
i pritvorske jedinice dozvoljavali su Međunarodnom komitetu
Crvenog krsta pristup zatvorenim i pritvorenim licima; međutim,
samo je ombudsman imao pravo na nesmetan i nenajavljen pristup
svim zatvorima i pritvorskim jedinicama, bez najave 24 sata
unapred; nije bilo izveštaja da je ombudsmanu tokom godine
bilo uskraćeno ovo pravo.
d. Proizvoljno hapšenje, držanje u pritvoru, ili proterivanje
Propisi UNMIK-a ne dozvoljavaju proizvoljno hapšenje i lišavanje
slobode, ali se ove zabrane u praksi uvek ne poštuju. Policija
može da zadrži osumnjičene za krivična dela do 72 sata, a
da protiv njih ne podigne optužnicu; međutim, bilo je izveštaja
da je civilna policija bez ikakve namere da podigne optužnicu,
posebno u slučajevima sitnih prestupa, ovlašćenje da zadrži
uhapšene 72 sata u cilju istrage koristila kao jedan vid
blaže kazne. Neke sudije su se žalile da civilna policija
pritvorena lica ne izvodi pred njih pre isteka 72 sata, čak
i onda kada namerava da ih optuži, te se takvi slučajevi
odbacuju.
Komesar policije, kao deo UNMIK-ove policije i pravosuđa,
tzv. »Prvog stuba«, upravljao je i civilnom policijom i kosovskim
policijskim snagama. Te kombinovane snage uopšteno su bile
efikasne, a civilna policija je i dalje postepeno prenosila
ovlašćenja na kosovske policijske snage; kosovske policijske
snage ispoljavale su tendenciju da budu mnogo efikasnije
na nivou policijskih stanica, nego na regionalnom nivou.
Učešće manjina u kosovskim policijskim snagama značajno se
povećalo, delimično zahvaljujući tome što se bivši srpski
ministar unutrašnjih poslova zaposlio u severnim opštinama
sa srpskom većinom. Međutim, učešće predstavnika manjina
u Kosovskom zaštitnom korpusu i dalje je predstavljalo problem,
bez obzira na to što se Korpus trudio da regrutuje članove
iz nealbanskih zajednica. Oko 132 od 3.000 aktivnih pripadnika
Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa (oko 4%) poticalo je iz manjinskih
etničkih zajednica, uključujući i 32 Srbina (oko 1%).
Korupcija u policijskim snagama predstavljala je problem,
posebno u redovima kosovske pogranične policije. Međutim,
uvedene su strukture za borbu protiv korupcije, uključujući
i Jedinicu za profesionalne standarde, koja je pratila kosovske
policijske snage i civilnu policiju, Kancelariju UN za nadzor,
koja je istraživala korupciju među pripadnicima UN i krivično
pravosuđe koje je efikasno gonilo krivična dela od strane
policije. Dva Ukrajinca, pripadnika KFOR-a i dva Albanca,
uhvaćeni su 12. septembra u švercu cigareta u vrednosti od
oko 36 miliona dolara (28 miliona evra). Šest carinika suspendovano
je 20. oktobra na osnovu policijske istrage sprovedene u
nekoliko carinskih ispostava. Dva Srbina, pripadnika kosovskih
policijskih snaga, uhapšena su u novembru pod optužbom za
primanje mita od jednog seljaka iz Verboca u opštini Vitina,
kako bi nezakonito sekao drva u obližnjoj šumi. Nije bilo
posebnih planova za reformu policije izvan već postojećih
programa obuke, a i dalje se pažljivo prati prenos ovlašćenja
na kosovske policijske snage. KFOR je takođe omogućio dodatno
obezbeđenje na granici sa Makedonijom i Albanijom, kao i
na administrativnoj granici između Kosova i Srbije.
Civilne vlasti su na otvoren način izdavale i izvršavale
naloge za hapšenje. KFOR-u nisu bili potrebni nalozi za hapšenje;
međutim, proces lišavanja slobode od strane KFOR-a bio je
transparentan. U skladu sa krivičnim zakonom, pritvorenici
su imali pravo da budu obavešteni zbog čega su optuženi,
zatim pravo na advokata po sopstvenom izboru za sve vreme
krivičnog postupka, posete članova porodice i mogućnost polaganja
kaucije. Pritvoreni dobijaju advokata samo za najteža krivična
dela koja zahtevaju »obaveznu odbranu«, a mogu da dobiju
advokata i kada su u pitanju optužbe za koje se može izreći
zatvorska kazna u trajanju dužem od tri godine.
Propisi UNMIK-a dozvoljavaju zadržavanje u istražnom zatvoru
u trajanju od 6 meseci, uz mogućnost produžetka kada su u
pitanju ozbiljni slučajevi. Iako je postojala namera da se
koristi samo kao vanredna mera, zadržavanje u istražnom zatvoru
rutinski se nalaže u gotovo svim ozbiljnim krivičnim slučajevima;
međutim, primena ove mere se tokom godine smanjila. Na kraju
godine, u pritvoru se nalazilo oko 550 osoba (45 odsto od
svih zatvorenika u kosovskim zatvorima). Sudije su često
donosile rešenja u vezi s pritvorom na početku istrage, pre
nego što je prikupljeno dovoljno dokaza. Sudije su imale
ovakvo ovlašćenje samo ukoliko identitet optuženog nije mogao
da se utvrdi, ukoliko je postojala opasnost da bi okrivljeni
mogao da zataška dokaze, ili da zastrašuje svedoke, ili da
ponovi krivično delo, ili ukoliko je u pitanju krivično delo
za koje se izriče zatvorska kazna u trajanju od 10 ili više
godina. Glavni razlog za korišćenje ove mere bio je nedostatak
civilnih isprava sa tačnom adresom. Kada nije bila u mogućnosti
da proveri identitet osumnjičenih, policija je morala da
ih pritvori. Češće korišćenje kaucije smanjilo je broj osoba
koje se drže u pritvoru do suđenja. UNMIK je osnovao komisiju
zaduženu da nadoknadi štetu osobama zadržanim u pritvoru
za koje se kasnije uspostavilo da nisu krive.
U nekim slučajevima, komandant KFOR-a intervenisao je kako
bi se u pritvoru zadržale osobe za koje je smatrao da predstavljaju
trajnu pretnju za bezbednost, uprkos tome što ih sud nije
optužio za neko krivično delo, ili je izdavao rešenje da
se puste na slobodu. Međutim, nije prijavljena nijedna zloupotreba
ovog ovlašćenja. Komandant KFOR-a može da produži period
pritvora za više od 30 dana.
Nisu bili prijavljeni slučajevi pritvaranja iz političkih
razloga, mada su neki kosovski Srbi optuženi za ratne zločine
i neki bivši članovi OVK tvrdili da su zatvoreni iz političkih
razloga.
Zakon zabranjuje proterivanje, a nijedan takav slučaj nije
bio prijavljen.
e. Uskraćivanje pravičnog, javnog suđenja
Ustavni okvir predviđa nezavisno sudstvo. Međutim, sudstvo
je povremeno bilo pristrasno i podložno uticaju sa strane,
posebno u slučajevima koji su se odnosili na pripadnike različitih
etničkih grupa, i nije uvek obezbeđivalo odgovarajući postupak.
Nekim lokalnim sudijama nedostajala su osnovna pravna znanja
potrebna za sprovođenje istrage, ili suđenje. Sudovima su
nedostajali materijal, oprema i administrativno upravljanje.
Strane vlade i OEBS organizovali su tokom godine veliki broj
programa obuke za tužioce i branioce kako bi se unapredila
stručna znanja.
Sudstvo se sastoji od Vrhovnog suda, pet okružnih sudova,
24 opštinska suda i jednog trgovinskog suda. Na kraju godine
na Kosovu je bilo 323 sudije, od kojih 6% Srba i 5% pripadnika
drugih manjinskih grupa; 53 tužioca, od kojih 4 Srbina i
6% pripadnika drugih manjinskih grupa. Struktura sudova za
prekršaje sastoji se od visokog suda za prekršaje i 25 opštinskih
sudova za prekršaje. Dvadeset četiri suda za prekršaje odvojena
su od opštinskih sudova i prvenstveno rešavaju slučajeve
koji se tiču javne bezbednosti i kršenja reda i mira, kao
i saobraćajne prekršaje. U tim sudovima zaposleno je 108
sudija. Od 293 sudije, 250 su kosovski Albanci, 23 kosovski
Srbi i 20 pripadnici drugih etničkih grupa.
U svih 5 okružnih sudova na Kosovu, međunarodne sudije i
tužioci, koje je postavio UNMIK, rešavali su međuetničke
i druge osetljive slučajeve. Međunarodne sudije su takođe
dodeljene Vrhovnom sudu Kosova; na kraju godine bilo je 17
međunarodnih sudija i 10 međunarodnih tužilaca. Međunarodne
sudije su bile podređene Odeljenju za pravosuđe UNMIK-a,
koje je podređeno privremenim kosovskim institucijama. Lokalno
sudstvo podređeno je lokalnom Vrhovnom sudu i glavnom tužiocu
za Kosovo. Međutim, međunarodni tužioci su mogli da procesuiraju
svaki slučaj za koji su smatrali da je to potrebno.
Pravni eksperti i posmatrači stanja ljudskih prava i dalje
su ispoljavali zabrinutost da pravično suđenje po svoj prilici
ne bi bilo moguće u krivičnim slučajevima koji uključuju
etničke manjine, a procesuiraju ih pravosudni organi kosovskih
Albanaca. Usled toga, ovakvi slučajevi rutinski su dodeljivani
međunarodnim sudijama i tužiocima. Pravosudni sistem bio
je suočen sa kadrovskim problemima; na primer, kancelarija
okružnog tužioca u Prištini imala je samo pet tužilaca za
celu Prištinu.
Oko 12 međunarodnih sudija i pet međunarodnih tužilaca koje
je postavio UNMIK radilo je u okružnim sudovima i u Vrhovnom
sudu. Propisi UNMIK-a dalju ovlašćenja privremenim kosovskim
institucijama da dodele međunarodne sudije i/ili tužioce
svakom slučaju u kojem postoji sumnja u vezi sa nezavisnošću
ili nepristrasnošću suda, ili s odgovarajućim sudskim postupkom.
Međunarodne sudije i/ili tužioci procesuirali su oko 3% od
svih slučajeva, uključujući i neke od najosetljivijih, koji
su se odnosili na organizovani kriminal, međuetničko nasilje
i ratne zločine. U nekim slučajevima, iz straha da će ih
zajednica smatrati odgovornim za donošenje nepopularnih presuda
i da će biti izloženi pretnjama, lokalne sudije su odbijale
da učestvuju u radu sudskih veća u kojima su većinu činile
strane sudije.
U skladu sa sporazumom između UNMIK-a i Vlade Srbije, prilikom
popunjavanja upražnjenih mesta sudija i tužilaca u lokalnom
kosovskom pravosuđu, Srbi i pripadnici ostalih etničkih manjina
morali su da uživaju prednost ukoliko su u svakom drugom
pogledu podjednako kvalifikovani. Uz konsultacije sa Većem
sudija i tužilaca Kosova, privremene kosovske instutucije
su i dalje imenovale kandidate; međutim, ovde su se javile
izvesne teškoće. Veće sudija i tužilaca Kosova podnelo je
Skupštini Kosova spisak sa 42 preporučena kandidata za sudije
(19 Albanaca, 21 Srbin, 1 Bošnjak i 1 Goranac); međutim,
Skupština Kosova privremenim kosovskim institucijama nije
dostavila svoj spisak kandidata, te su ove stoga imenovale
svoja 42 kandidata iako ih Skupština nije verifikovala.
Sudovi u Srbiji i »sudovi u senci« koji postoje u nekim
srpskim enklavama u Kosovu i dalje su procesuirali slučajeve;
zaposlene u tim paralelnim sudovima plaćalo je srpsko Ministarstvo
pravde. Prema sporazumu između UNMIK-a i Vlade Srbije, trebalo
je da se zaustavi praksa duplog plaćanja Srba zaposlenih
u kosovskim sudovima; međutim, zaposleni u paralelnim sudovima
i dalje su dobijali dve plate.
Suđenja su javna, a zakon predviđa da okrivljeni prisustvuju
suđenju, da se suočavaju sa svedocima, da vide dokaze i da
imaju pravnog zastupnika, ako je potrebno o državnom trošku.
Optuženi se smatraju nevinima dok im se ne dokaže krivica
i imaju pravo na žalbu. Porota ne postoji; sudski postupak
vode profesionalne sudije i sudije-porotnici. U prvoj polovini
godine, sudovi su obezbedili besplatno pravno zastupanje
za preko 250 optuženih u krivičnim postupcima. Na Kosovu
je bilo oko 300 registrovanih advokata.
UNMIK je preko OEBS-a organizovao obuku u cilju unapređenja
stručnog znanja zaposlenih u pravosuđu. Kosovski institut
za pravosuđe obučavao je sudije i tužioce, usredsređujući
se na permanentno obrazovanje u oblasti prava. Sudska inspekcija
je pratila rad sudova i davala preporuke kako u vezi s disciplinom,
tako i s obukom; Veće sudija i tužilaca Kosova bilo je odgovorno
za slučajeve neprofesionalnog ponašanja sudija.
Prema propisima UNMIK-a, primenljivo pravo na Kosovu uključuje
i propise UNMIK-a i zakone koji su na snazi od marta 1989.
kada je Kosovo izgubilo autonomiju. Od zaposlenih u pravosuđu
zahteva se da prvo primenjuju kosovske zakone na snazi od
1989, a zatim, u meri u kojoj je prvi zakon nedorečen, da
primenjuju delove jugoslovenskih i srpskih zakona za koje
se smatra da su nediskriminatorski. Privremene kosovske institucije
usvojile su 6. jula novi Krivični zakon i novi Zakon o krivičnom
postupku; međutim, kako bi se ostavilo vreme potrebno za
obuku sudija, tužilaca, advokata i ostalih zaposlenih u sudstvu,
ti zakoni se neće primenjivati do aprila 2004.
Propisi UNMIK-a obavezuju sve nosioce javnih funkcija da
poštuju međunarodne zakone i konvencije u vezi s ljudskim
pravima; međutim, oni u početku nisu bili ni upoznati sa
tim zakonima. Da bi se sudije i tužioci na Kosovu bolje upoznali
s primenljivim pravom na Kosovu, međunarodne organizacije
i nevladine organizacije sprovele su programe u cilju boljeg
upoznavanja i primene međunarodnih zakona i konvencija o
ljudskim pravima. UNMIK je 2000. preko OEBS-a osnovao Kosovski
pravni centar kako bi unapređivao stručno znanje pravnika.
Osim toga što je objavio četiri seta važećih zakona u okviru
primenljivog prava kako bi zakoni postali dostupniji, Centar
je radio s pravnim fakultetima da bi unapredio nastavni plan
i standarde nastave, i držao je seminare i radionice za pravnike.
Advokatska komora Kosova bila je slaba i neorganizovana,
ali je zahvaljujući naporima međunarodne zajednice ostvareno
izvesno poboljšanje. OEBS je osnovao lokalnu nevladinu organizaciju,
Centar za pomoć braniocima u krivičnim slučajevima, kako
bi se unapredilo njihovo stručno znanje. Nevladine organizacije
i međunarodni donatori vodili su programe obuke, koji su
uključivali zastupanje pred sudom, praktična znanja i međunarodno
zakonodavstvo iz oblasti ljudskih prava. Advokatska komora
Kosova, koju finansira Evropska agencija za obnovu, sprovela
je jedan program pravne pomoći pre svega iz oblasti građanskog
i upravnog prava. U radu pravosudnih organa učestvovali su
neki kosovski Srbi, advokati; Advokatska komora Srbije i
dalje je pružala besplatnu pravnu pomoć kosovskim Srbima
koji odgovaraju pred kosovskim sudovima. Pored toga, OEBS
je pružao logističku podršku, na primer, obezbeđivao je prevoz
srpskih advokata koji su zastupali Srbe okrivljene pred kosovskim
sudovima. Tokom godine okrivljenim Srbima nije bila uskraćivana
pravna pomoć.
Nedostatak mehanizama za praćenje slučajeva od hapšenja
do zaključenja, stvarao je teškoće prilikom utvrđivanja policijske
istrage kojom će se okružni tužilac rukovoditi. Veliki broj
nerešenih predmeta iz prethodnih godina i dalje je predstavljao
smetnju u rešavanju krivičnih slučajeva. Na kraju godine,
nerešeni krivični slučajevi u kosovskim opštinskim sudovima
uključivali su 187.982 nova slučaja, od kojih je 61.713 zaostao
iz 2002, a okružni sudovi su imali 14.292 nova slučaja, kao
i 5.905 zaostalih iz 2002. Opštinski sudovi na Kosovu rešili
su 167.795 krivičnih slučajeva, većinom sitne prestupe i
krađe za koje su uglavnom izricane novčane kazne, ili zatvorske
kazne u trajanju do šest meseci; okružni sudovi rešili su
11.151 slučaj.
Kosovski istražni, sudski i kazneni sistem, pored Međunarodnog
krivičnog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju (videti Odeljak 4), radili
su i dalje na otkrivanju i kažnjavanju počinilaca ratnih
zločina tokom sukoba 1999; međutim, mnogi slučajevi su ostali
nerešeni. Suđenja za ratne zločine pred domaćim sudovima
nisu bila problem, pošto su ih vodili međunarodne sudije
i tužioci; međutim, nepostojanje institucije zaštite svedoka
predstavljalo je problem na mnogim od tih suđenja (videti
Odeljak 1.a).
Pred kosovskim sudovima i dalje se vodi postupak za oko
32 slučaja navodnih ratnih zločina i zločina genocida proisteklih
tokom sukoba. Sudovi su tokom godine vodili postupak u 4
slučaja ratnih zločina. U Okružnom sudu u Prizrenu, održano
je suđenje u slučaju Kolašinac, okrivljen je proglašen krivim
za ratne zločine i osuđen na osam godina zatvora; odbrana
je uložila žalbu. Okružni sud u Gnjilanu održao je suđenje
u slučaju Trajković i utvrdio da okrivljeni nije počinio
ratne zločine, već je kriv za ubistvo, pokušaj ubistva i
nelegalno posedovanje oružja. On je osuđen na tri godine
i tri meseca zatvora. Međutim, s obzirom na to da je u pritvoru
već proveo tri godine, kaznu je praktično već izdržao tokom
istražnog postupka. Okružni sud u Peći utvrdio je da Milorad
Bešović nije kriv za ratne zločine, već za ubistvo i osudio
ga je na sedam godina zatvora. Okružni sud u Prištini održao
je suđenje grupi Lapi i utvrdio je da su četiri osobe počinile
ratne zločine, uključujući Rustema Mustafu (Remija) i Latifa
Gašija, koji su osuđeni na 17, odnosno 10 godina zatvora.
Policija UNMIK-a uhapsila je 27. oktobra petoricu bivših
pripadnika Oslobodilačke vojske Kosova (OVK) pod optužbom
da su počinili ratne zločine. Krajem godine, međunarodni
istražni sudija je i dalje sprovodio istragu, a osumnjičeni
su se nalazili u pritvoru.
Bilo je dokaza
da su kosovski Albanci u nekoliko etnički mešovitih sredina
koristili nasilje i zastrašivanje, i nudili
otkup kuća po "naduvanim" cenama kako bi putem
strateških kupovina nekretnina rasturili i erodirali zajednice
kosovskih Srba. Moguće je da je veliki broj slučajeva nasilja
protiv Srba u stvari pokušaj da se ovi prinude da prodaju
svoju imovinu (Odeljak 5). Bilo je izveštaja da je i Koordinacioni
centar za Kosovo, koji finansira Vlada SCG, finansirao kupovinu
kuća u albanskim enklavama u severnoj Mitrovici.
Propisi UNMIK-a ne dozvoljavaju masovni otkup naselja kosovskih
Srba i bore se protiv zastrašivanja vlasnika imovine, pripadnika
manjinskih naroda, u nekim geografskim područjima; međutim,
ovo se u praksi retko sprovodi. Propis zahteva da opštinski
administratori odobre svaku predloženu kupoprodaju imovine
(izuzev poljoprivrednog zemljišta) između kosovskih Srba
i drugih manjinskih grupa s jedne i kosovskih Albanaca s
druge strane. UNMIK tokom godine nije u potpunosti primenjivao
ovaj zakon, stoga što procena svakog pojedinačnog slučaja
zahteva dosta vremena i zato što mnogi kosovski Srbi, vlasnici
imovine, nisu bili sposobni, ili spremni za saradnju. Neke
opštine su bile izuzete iz ovih propisa na sopstveni zahtev.
Ombudsman i grupe za zaštitu ljudskih prava kritikovali su
ovaj propis zbog toga što ograničava mogućnost kosovskih
Srba da koriste svoja vlasnička prava.
Tokom godine, Direkcija za stanovanje i imovinu koja je
ranije kontrolisala samo primenu zakona o imovini, sada se
usredsredila i na rezultate primene, tj. na raseljavanje
nezakonito zaposednutih kuća i stanova i njihovo vraćanje
zakonitim stanarima. Direkcija je značajno unapredila svoju
sposobnost da reaguje na žalbe. Reorganizovana Direkcija
je primala žalbe u vezi sa imovinom i rešavala ih, donosila
je pravno obavezujuće odluke, iseljavala nelegalne stanare,
vraćala imovinu onima koji na nju imaju pravo i upravljala
imovinom vlasnika koji se ne nalaze na Kosovu. Tokom godine,
Direkcija je rešavala oko 227 zahteva nedeljno i sprovodila
u proseku 12 iseljavanja nelegalnih stanara, tj. ukupno 600.
Direkcija je uspostavila informativnu službu sa zadatkom
da obaveštava one čije su žalbe pozitivno rešene, i ona je
tokom godine obavestila oko 1.500 podnosilaca žalbi. Do kraja
godine, Direkcija je prikupila 28.832 od, kako se procenjuje,
70.000 žalbi i rešila 12.178.
f. Proizvoljno ometanje privatnosti, porodice, doma ili
prepiske
Zakon zabranjuje ovakve postupke, a organi UNMIK-a su uglavnom
u praksi poštovali te zabrane; međutim, nekoliko pojedinaca
i lokalnih nevladinih organizacija optužilo je KFOR za upotrebu
prekomerne sile prilikom pretresa privatnih kuća.
U novembra je Ombudsman u pismenom obliku dostavio žalbu
zameniku specijalnog predstavnika generalnog sekretara zaduženom
za policiju i pravosuđe u vezi sa ponašanjem policajaca prilikom
pretresa kuća, ljudi i prostorija, kao i zbog konfiskacije
lične imovine kao dokaza potrebnih za sudski postupak, što
se čini bez naloga za pretres.
Propisi UNMIK-a u vezi s tajnim i tehničkim merama praćenja
i istragom dozvoljavaju policiji da sprovodi tajne operacije
uz prethodno pismeno odobrenje istražnog sudije, ili javnog
tužioca; nikakve zloupotrebe nisu bile prijavljene tokom
godine.
Poštovanje prava privatnog vlasništva i dalje je predstavljalo
problem, a međuetnički imovinski sporovi proistekli iz sukoba
1999. i dalje su bili jedna od najozbiljnijih prepreka za
međuetničko pomirenje (videti Odeljak 1.e). U Mitrovici,
kosovski Srbi u severnom delu grada i dalje nelegalno zauzimaju
imovinu kosovskih Albanaca, dok kosovski Albanci u južnom
delu Mitrovice takođe ne dozvoljavaju kosovskim Srbima pristup
njihovoj imovini. Jedna lokalna inicijativa u vezi sa omogućavanjem
pristupa imovini sa obe strane reke Ibar u Mitrovici postigla
je malo napretka. Bilo je 13 slučajeva iseljavanja ilegalnih
stanara sa južne, ili albanske strane; i jedan na severnoj,
ili srpskoj strani, kada je jedno interno raseljeno lice
zamenilo drugo interno raseljeno lice.
Odeljak 2 Poštovanje građanskih sloboda
a. Sloboda govora i štampe
Propisi UNMIK-a obezbeđuju okvir za poštovanje prava na
slobodu govora i štampe, a UNMIK i privremene kosovske institucije
uglavnom su poštovali ova prava u praksi.
Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuje govor mržnje i govor koji podstiče
etničko nasilje, isto kao i novinske članke koji bi mogli
da ohrabre kriminalne aktivnosti ili nasilje; neki lokalni
i međunarodni posmatrači medija kritikovali su ovo kao kršenje
slobode štampe. Inače, pojedinci nisu sprečavani u javnom,
ili privatnom kritikovanju administracije UNMIK-a i privremenih
kosovskih institucija.
Najveći deo štampanih i elektronskih medija bio je nezavisan
ali regulisan od strane UNMIK-a. Štampani mediji uglavnom
nemaju veliki tiraž, te je stoga uticaj elektronskih medija
na stanovništvo mnogo veći. Mada broj dnevnih i periodičnih
listova varira u zavisnosti od raspoloživih sredstava, tokom
većeg dela godine bilo ih je po šest ili sedam. Većina glavnih
dnevnih listova bila je povezana sa nekoliko političkih stranaka,
mada su postojala tri nezavisna dnevna lista. Izlazilo je
šest dnevnih listova na albanskom, koji se svi redovno štampaju
na lokalnom nivou. Pokrenut je jedan nedeljnik na ekonomske
teme na albanskom jeziku, koji se objavljivao u Švajcarskoj.
Dva časopisa na srpskom jeziku, »Jedinstvo« i »Glas juga«,
štampani su na Kosovu, kao i bošnjački nedeljnik »Alem«.
Krajem godine, na Kosovu je bilo 88 radio stanica i 23 televizijske
stanice. Od tog broja, 46 radio stanica i 15 televizijskih
stanica emitovalo je program isključivo na albanskom jeziku,
a 33 radio i televizijske stanice na srpskom, 2 radio stanice
na turskom, 3 na bošnjačkom i 1 na goranskom i bošnjačkom
jeziku. Postojale su 3 multietničke radio stanice i 1 multietnička
televizijska stanica, dok je 14 radio stanica i 1 televizijska
stanica emitovala program na više od jednog jezika. Ukupno
4 radio i 3 televizijske stanice pokrivaju celu teritoriju
Kosova.
Elektronska medijska kuća na albanskom jeziku, RTV Kosovo,
delimično je bila finansirana iz javnih sredstava. Pored
toga, Vlada Srbije je finansirala dve nezavisne radio stanice
i nekoliko publikacija za manjinske zajednice na Kosovu.
Ni UNMIK, ni privremene kosovske institucije, ni zemlje donatori
nisu kontrolisali uređivačku politiku tih medijskih kuća.
UNMIK je kontrolisao infrastrukturu elektronskih medija
preko Ministarstva pošte i telekomunikacija, dok je OEBS
nadgledao Ministarstvo za medije. UNMIK je takodje regulisao
i ponašanje i organizaciju i elektronskih i štampanih medija,
i uspostavio je Kancelariju privremenog komesara za medije,
kao i Komisiju za pritužbe na medije. Privremeni komesar
za medije bio je odgovoran za objavljivanje kodeksa ponašanja
za elektronske medije, izdavanje licenci i izricanje kazni
u koje je uključeno i zatvaranje medija u slučaju kršenja
propisa UNMIK-a, ili proklamovanog kodeksa ponašanja; međutim,
Komesar je smatrao da zakoni treba da se revidiraju zbog
toga što su bili donešeni u žurbi, pre više od tri godine
i nisu se menjali kako bi održavali izmenjene uslove na Kosovu.
Oni takođe nisu adekvatno štitili privatnost dece i žrtve
zločina.
Ustavni okvir predviđa nezavisnu komisiju za medije kao
i savet javnih emitera, koji bi bili nezavisni od privremenih
kosovskih institucija. UNMIK je sarađivao sa privremenim
kosovskim institucijama kako bi uspostavio nezavisnu komisiju
za medije i postavio je osnove za prerastanje institucije
privremenog komesara za medije u nezavisnu komisiju za medije
i uspostavljanje saveta javnih emitera. Međutim, sporazum
na osnovu kojeg je trebalo uspostaviti nezavisnu komisiju
za medije nije bio finalizovan do kraja godine. U međuvremenu
su nastavljena naimenovanja za Komisiju za pritužbe na medije
privremenog komesara za medije. Skupština Kosova objavila
je formiranje »Komiteta za medije«; ovo međutim nije ostvareno
do kraja godine, a zaduženja ove institucije nisu bila jasna.
Na Kosovu su postojala tri novinarska udruženja, ali je samo
jedno, Udruženje profesionalnih novinara Kosova, tvrdilo
da ima Srbe u svojim redovima.
Komisija za pritužbe na medije privremenog komesara za medije
primila je tokom godine 27 pritužbi i održala dva sastanka
na kojima su ove preisipitane. Iako je većina štampanih i
elektronskih medija poštovala prihvaćene principe u novinarstvu,
bilo je i nekih izuzetaka.
Privremeni komesar za medije nije primao žalbe u vezi sa
pretnjama, ili napadima na novinare; međutim, bio je jedan
prijavljen slučaj. Dvojica novinara RTV Kosovo ušla su 5.
septembra u sukob sa pripadnicima kosovske policije iz kojeg
je jedan policajac izišao sa povredama na licu. Novinari
nisu bili povređeni i posle kraćeg zadržavanja u pritvoru
pušteni su zajedno sa svojom opremom. Zvanična istraga nije
vođena; međutim, privremeni komesar za medije zaključio je
da su novinari RTV Kosovo bili nepotrebno agresivni u pokušajima
da dođu do reportaže.
Zbog pretnji dnevnom listu »24 časa«, ovaj je 21. januara
privremeno prekinuo rad. Taj dnevni list više nije pokrenut,
ali se priča da je do gašenja došlo zbog finansijskih problema.
Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju objavljivanje, kako u štampanim
tako i u elektronskim medijima, ličnih podataka koji bi mogli
da ugroze nečiji život, imovinu, ili ličnu bezbednost time
što bi neko uzeo pravdu u svoje ruke, ili na neki drugi način;
međutim, ovi propisi se nisu koristili da bi se ugušila kritika
na račun UNMIK-a, privremenih kosovskih institucija, ili
političara. Pritužbe u vezi sa klevetom rešavao je privremeni
komesar za medije; međutim, on je izrazio zabrinutost zbog
mogućnosti da kleveta bude uključena u novi krivični zakon,
umesto da potpadne pod građanski zakon.
Privremeni komesar za medije je u septembru javno opomenuo
dnevni list »Bota sot«, zato što nije ispravio »neosnovane
špekulacije« iz izveštaja o napadu na srpsku decu u Goraždevcu
(videti Odeljak 5). U jednom drugom slučaju, »Bota sot« je
otkrio ime oca koji je napastvovao svoje dete, čime je indirektno
otkriveno ime deteta, uprkos zakonima koji u takvim slučajevima
štite maloletna lica. »Bota sot« je dva puta tokom godine
kažnjen, 6. maja za objavljivanje jednog članka protiv privrednika
iz Peći Ekrema Luke i ministra Ethema Čekua, a 26. septembra
zbog objavljivanja fotografije koja bi mogla da dovede u
zabludu i relevantnih optužbi protiv Batona Hadžijua, koji
se nalazi na čelu Udruženja nezavisnih novinara Kosova. Uprkos
zahtevima koji su se ponavljali punih devet meseci, list
nije objavio ispravku ili izvinjenje zbog informacije koja
je mogla da dovede u zabludu. Privremeni komesar za medije
Robert Džilet izjavio je da je »i dalje duboko zabrinut zbog
ponašanja lista 'Bota sot', pošto se čini da taj list sistematski
napada predstavnike građanskog društva na Kosovu«.
Vlada nije ograničavala pristup internetu ili akademske
slobode.
b. Sloboda mirnog okupljanja i udruživanja
Propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju slobodu okupljanja; međutim,
organi UNMIK-a povremeno su iz bezbednosnih razloga ograničavali
ovo pravo. Nije bila potrebna dozvola u pismenom obliku za
održavanje demonstracija. Međutim, od organizatora se tražilo
da obaveste UNMIK 48 sati ranije o razlogu, vremenu, mestu,
pravcu kretanja i osobi za kontakt kako bi policija mogla
da koordinira svoje aktivnosti tokom demonstracija. Policija
UNMIK-a procenjuje da je tokom godine održano 70 demonstracija
u kojima je učestvovalo 134.000 ljudi. Prilikom izdavanja
dozvola za organizovanje demonstracija, regionalni šefovi
civilne policije UNMIK-a donosili su odluke na osnovu mogućnosti
izbijanja nasilja i tekuće bezbednosne situacije. Predstavnik
UNMIK-a u Mitrovici zabranio je 6. maja obeležavanje četvrte
godišnjice smrti borca OVK Artima Jašarija u Domu kulture
u Mitrovici, smatrajući da javni objekat ne može da se koristi
za privatne i političke aktivnosti.
Civilna policija UNMIK-a i jedinice SFOR-a povremeno su
silom rasturale demonstracije kada bi postale nasilne, ili
na neki drugi način nisu mogle da se kontrolišu. Vojnici
KFOR-a upotrebili su 7. maja suzavac da bi rasturili demonstrante
i raščistili put za Suhodol, selo na severu Kosova, koji
su blokirali srpski demonstranti, i koji su ih gađali kamenjem.
Nekoliko dana kasnije, policija je uhapsila pet lica osumnjičenih
za podsticanje nasilja, koja su kratko zadržana u pritvoru,
bez podizanja optužnice. U većini slučajeva, predstavnici
UNMIK-a i KFOR-a rasturali su neprijateljski raspoložene
demonstrante uz nanošenje minimalnih povreda; policija je
uopšteno reagovala mnogo primerenije nego prethodnih godina.
Propisi UNMIK-a predviđali su slobodu udruživanja, a Vlada
ju je uglavnom u praksi poštovala. U svojim propisima u vezi
sa definisanjem i zahtevima za registraciju političkih stranaka
i nevladinih organizacija, UNMIK je isticao da ti propisi
ne ugrožavaju pravo na udruživanje.
c. Sloboda veroispovesti
Ustavni okvir i propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju slobodu veroispovesti,
a UNMIK i privremene kosovske institucije u praksi su poštovali
ovo pravo. Kosovo je sekularno društvo u kojem ne postoji
državna religija. Verske grupe su bile registrovane kao nevladine
organizacije.
Veći deo stanovništva čine muslimani uz značajan broj pripadnika
pravoslavne i rimokatoličke veroispovesti. Etničke tenzije
između kosovskih Albanaca i srpskog stanovništva još se nalaze
u osnovi političkih sukoba. Verska i etnička pripadnost bile
su čvrsto isprepletane; na politički identitet etničkih grupa
na Kosovu uticala je religija, a u nekim slučajevima diskriminacija
na etničkoj osnovi ili tenzije mogli su da imaju korene u
religiji. Kosovski Srbi su se identifikovali sa Srpskom pravoslavnom
crkvom, koja nije definisala samo njihovu versku, već i kulturnu,
istorijsku i političku pripadnost. Zajedničko etničko poreklo
nadjačalo je, čini se, razlike između muslimanskih i katoličkih
albanskih zajednica. Uprkos tome što se politička uloga sveštenstva
smanjila u korist političkih stranaka i građanskih vođa kosovskih
Srba, veliki deo albanske zajednice na Kosovu i dalje se
sa neprijateljstvom i sumnjom odnosi prema Srpskoj pravoslavnoj
crkvi.
Tokom godine, broj teških krivičnih dela čije su žrtve bili
kosovski Srbi neznatno se povećao, ali je ostao mali, naglašen
sa nekoliko dramatičnih slučajeva kao što je bilo pucanje
u šest dečaka koji su se kupali u reci u Goraždevcu, opština
Peć, u avgustu (videti Odeljak 5). Dvojica od ovih dečaka
preminula su od povreda zadobijenih prilikom pucnjave. Iako
su neki članovi srpske zajednice na Kosovu pretpostavljali
da su razlozi bili etničke ili verske prirode, počinioci
nisu uhapšeni do kraja godine.
Napadi na srpske pravoslavne crkve i groblja nastavili su
se tokom godine; međutim, učestalost i ozbiljnost napada
se smanjila. Tokom godine nijedna pravoslavna crkva nije
bila ozbiljno oštećena ili uništena. Bilo je slučajeva vandalizma
na lokacijama koje pripadaju verskim zajednicama, uključujući
oštećenje pravoslavnog groblja u Dečanima. Nekoliko pravoslavnih
crkava bilo je opljačkano.
Strah za bezbednost ograničavao je slobodu kretanja kosovskih
Srba, što je takođe negativno uticalo na njihovu slobodu
veroispovesti (videti Odeljak 2.d). Monasi i monahinje u
nekim manastirima nisu mogli da koriste delove manastirskih
imanja iz bezbednosnih razloga. Srpske porodice čiji članovi
žive i na Kosovu i u Srbiji, iz straha za sopstvenu bezbednosti
nisu mogli da putuju kako bi zajedno sa svojim srodnicima
proslavljali verske praznike ili obrede, uključujući svadbe
i sahrane. Vladika Artemije Radosavljević, najviši predstavnik
SPC na Kosovu, ostao je u manastiru Gračanici, u enklavi
kosovskih Srba, umesto da se vrati u sedište svoje eparhije
u Prizrenu. Tokom godine, policija UNMIK-a i KFOR pružali
su zaštitu kako bi se poboljšala mogućnost kretanja, a OEBS
je izvestio o izvesnom unapređenju slobode kretanja, posebno
u istočnim delovima Kosova.
KFOR je tokom godine uklonio stalne kontrolne punktove koji
su se nalazili u blizini crkava i grobalja i umesto njih
uveo patrole lokalne policije. U većini slučajeva ove promenjene
bezbednosne mere nisu uticale na bezbednost ili pristup crkvenim
objektima, iako je sveštenik SPC u Prištini izvestio da se
situacija pogoršala i da se posle uklanjanja stalnih kontrolnih
punktova KFOR-a, umesto kojih su uvedene patrole kosovske
policije, dešavaju kamenovanja. Ručna bomba je 31. maja bačena
na kontrolni punkt KFOR-a koji je štitio Crkvu Sv. cara Uroša
u Uroševcu u južnom delu Kosova, kada je povređeno pet osoba.
Ručna bomba bačena je 12. decembra i u portu Crkve Svetog
cara Uroša u Uroševcu; tom prilikom lakše je oštećeno jedno
vozilo KFOR-a, parkirano ispred crkve, ali sama crkva nije
oštećena i niko nije bio povređen.
Pripadnici male protestantske zajednice prijavili su da
su izloženi nasilju i diskriminaciji. Neki istaknuti predstavnici
protestantske zajednice prijavili su maltretiranje od strane
»islamskih fundamentalista«, za koje su tvrdili da dolaze
na njihovu službu kako bi identifikovali vernike i kasnije
ih zlostavljali. U Gnjilanu je maja meseca nekoliko osoba
pretuklo na povratku iz crkve kući jednog pripadnika protestantske
evangelističke crkve. Predstavnici crkve tvrdili su da policija
nije sprovela odgovarajuću istragu. Protestanti su se žalili
i na vandalske napade na crkvu i krađu crkvene imovine. Uprkos
velikom broju incidenata, uključujući i upad u Evangelističko
udruženje Mesija na Badnje veče, nasilje nad protestantskom
crkvom i uništavanje njene imovine smanjili su se tokom godine;
kosovska policija je bolje reagovala na ovakve prijave, ali
nije došlo ni do kakvih hapšenja.
Pripadnici privremenih kosovskih institucija i neki politički
lideri kontaktirali su Srpsku pravoslavnu crkvu i javno se
obavezali na pružanje pomoći u obnovi nekih oštećenih i uništenih
crkava, u šta spada i poseta predsednika vlade Redžepija
i lidera Demokratske partije Kosova Hašima Tačija manastiru
Zočište 2002. godine; međutim, do kraja godine nije preduzeto
ništa u pogledu pružanja pomoći za obnovu oštećenih crkava.
Detaljnije razmatranje videti u Međunarodnom izveštaju o
verskim slobodama iz 2003.
d. Sloboda kretanja u zemlji, putovanja u inostranstvo,
iseljavanje i repatrijacija
Primenljivo pravo predviđa slobodu kretanja, a za kretanje
unutra zemlje nisu potrebna nikakva posebna dokumenta; međutim,
međuetničke tenzije i zabrinutost za bezbednost u praksi
u velikoj meri je ograničavala slobodu kretanja. Kosovskim
Srbima i u manjoj meri pripadnicima drugih manjinskih zajednica
bilo je otežano bezbedno kretanje bez zaštite od strane međunarodnih
predstavnika. Iako se sloboda kretanja u mnogim oblastima
popravila tokom godine, sloboda kretanja kosovskih Srba uglavnom
je varirala u zavisnosti od mesta. U nekim krajevima kosovski
Srbi su se bez smetnji kretali u zajednicama s većinskim
albanskim stanovništvom, dok im je u drugima za to bila potrebna
pratnja KFOR-a, ili civilne policije. U selu Goraždevac,
jedan 43 godine star Srbin napadnut je 4. jula i izboden
nožem, a policija je za ovaj zločin kasnije uhapsila jednog
22-godišnjeg Albanca. Srpski mediji su izvestili da su u
okolini Gnjilana, na putu Preševo-Gnjilane, u selu Mučibaba,
nepoznata lica 21. aprila kamenovala kamion kosovskog Srbina
Zvonka Dimitrijevića iz Pasjana. Razbijeni su prozori na
kamionu, ali niko nije povređen. Konvoj autobusa koji je
srpsku decu iz posete Beogradu vraćao u Goraždevac, kamenovan
je 22. septembra u selu Rudnik, u blizini Srbice, na putu
Kosovska Mitrovica-Peć.
U opštini Suva Reka prilikom posete selu Muzutište u okviru
programa »Poseta radi upoznavanja sa situacijom«, grupa raseljenih
kosovskih Srba bila je presretnuta od strane 100 Albanaca
koji su protestvovali zbog te posete. Posle eksplozije jedne
ručne bombe, neki demonstranti su zasuli kamenjem vozilo
Visokog komesara UN za izbeglice, koje se kretalo u pratnji
KFOR-a i tom prilikom povredili jednog predstavnika te organizacije.
Pripadnici KFOR-a pucali su u vazduh u znak upozorenja, a
pripadnici jedinice specijalne policije UNMIK-a i drugi policajci
uspostavili su red. Sličan incident dogodio se i 11. decembra
kada je 11 Srba pokušalo da se vrati u opštinu Klina, u čemu
ih je sprečilo tamošnje albansko stanovništvo; policija je
intervenisala kako bi rasterala demonstrante, a jedan pripadnik
civilne policije bio je povređen.
U Mitrovici je Srbima i Albancima kretanje bilo ograničeno
zbog uzajamnog ometanja. Tamošnji Srbi, stacionirani u blizini
mostova na Ibru, kontrolisali su one što su iz južnog dela
Mitrovice prelazili u severni deo grada. Neki Albanci su
se žalili na uznemiravanje, mada su ove kontrolne aktivnosti
uopšteno slabijeg intenziteta nego prethodnih godina. Od
5. maja, KFOR je iz bezbednosnih razloga zabranio da kroz
Suhodol i Eprem prolaze ljudi koji tamo ne žive, što je izazvalo
nezadovoljstvo tamošnjeg albanskog stanovništva. Policija
UNMIK-a je prijavila da je u naselju Guševac na severu Mitrovice
oko 150-200 ljudi učestvovalo u demonstracijama da bi ispoljilo
svoje nezadovoljstvo zbog navodnog nepostojanja slobode kretanja
u oblast Suhodola.
Da bi povećao slobodu kretanja time što vozila u vlasništvu
Albanaca i Srba ne bi međusobno mogla da se razlikuju, UNMIK
je i dalje Srbima besplatno delio registarske tablice u slučajevima
kada su već platili registraciju u Srbiji. Srpska Vlada se
nije s ovim složila i nije u tom smislu potpisala protokol
o saglasnosti. Kosovski Srbi su prijavljivali da se ne osećaju
bezbedno kada putuju u opštinske centre kako bi se prijavili
za taj program. Pripadnici drugih manjinskih grupa takođe
su tražili od UNMIK-a besplatne registarske tablice, ali
su njihovi zahtevi odbijeni. Dana 4. septembra, rok za registraciju
vozila i dobijanje kosovskih tablica u severnom delu Mitrovice
i na severu Kosova odložen je po četvrti put, a do kraja
godine još nije bio istekao.
UNMIK je obezbedio lične karte i putne isprave građanima
kojima su ti dokumenti bili konfiskovani tokom rata. UNMIK-ovi
propisi predviđaju da Centralna matična služba može da izdaje
putne isprave svakoj osobi sa stalnim mestom boravka na Kosovu.
UNMIK je od 2000. izdao oko 1,3 miliona ličnih karta, 406.000
putnih isprava i 182.000 vozačkih dozvola. Mada na Kosovu
živi više od 103.000 pripadnika manjinskih naroda, uključujući
i 71.000 Srba, manje od 1000 (tj. manje od 1%) je podnelo
zahtev za izdavanje putnih isprava od strane UNMIK-a. Dvadeset
devet zemalja priznalo je UNMIK-ove putne isprave, pre svega
članice Evropske unije, Sjedinjene Države i balkanske zemlje
izuzimajući Srbiju, a pregovori se vode sa zemljama Istočne
Evrope i Srednjeg istoka, mada tokom godine nije postignut
napredak u tom smislu. Specijalni predstavnik Ujedinjenih
nacija izdavao je pojedincima u ograničenom broju slučajeva
potvrde za putovanje, koje se retko gde priznaju. Pored identifikacionih
dokumenata koje izdaje UNMIK, Kosovski Srbi često imaju pravo
na srpske lične karte i putne isprave. I mnogi kosovski Albanci
dobijali su srpska dokumenta kako bi mogli da putuju i u
zemlje koje ne priznaju putne isprave koje izdaje UNMIK.
UNMIK i privremene kosovske institucije nisu ograničavale,
ili na neki drugi način branile iseljavanje, kao što nisu
ni ometale repatrijaciju. S obzirom na to da Kosovo nema
status države, oduzimanje državljanstva nije ni dolazilo
u pitanje.
Iako tačne cifre nisu dostupne, smatra se da je tokom sukoba
značajan broj Srba i Roma napustio Kosovo. Posle 1999. godine,
nešto preko 910.000 interno raseljenih lica, uglavnom etničkih
Albanaca, vratilo se na Kosovo. Od preko 224.000 pripadnika
etničkih manjina, raseljenih posle juna 1999 (uključujući
oko 170.000 Srba i 25.000 Roma), malo ko se vratio na Kosovo
do kraja godine. S druge strane, odlazak manjina sa Kosova
se povećao, a ukupan broj povratnika tokom godine stalno
je rastao, sa 2.756 u 2002. na 3.629, što predstavlja povećanje
od oko 30%. Međutim, ostaje još mnogo da se uradi kako bi
se osiguralo da povratnici i ostanu.
Tokom godine su se povećali napori u cilju podsticanja povratka
izbeglica i interno raseljenih lica. Međunarodne agencije
i nevladine organizacije organizovale su male projekte i
povratak, recimo, 35 porodica u selo Belo Polje kod Peći,
30 porodica u Suvi Lukovac i drugih u Novake kod Prizrena,
kao i povratak Albanaca u Vitinu, enklavu u selu Štrpce,
naseljenu uglavnom Srbima.
Većina Srba koja je pobegla u vreme povlačenja jugoslovenske
vojske do kraja godine se još nije vratila. Njihova zabrinutost
uglavnom se odnosila na fizičku bezbednost, nedostatak slobode
kretanja, povratak zaposednute imovine i nemogućnost zapošljavanja.
Mnogim interno raseljenim licima i izbeglicama, koji su se
nalazili izvan Kosova, nedostajale su i tačne informacije
o uslovima na Kosovu, kao i o ustavnom okviru ili civilnoj
strukturi. Mnogi kosovski Srbi ranije su bili zaposleni u
javnom sektoru, ili u društvenim preduzećima, a od srpske
Vlade i dalje su dobijali bar deo plata, tako da su strahovali
da bi te beneficije i zaštita mogli da budu dovedeni u pitanje
ukoliko bi se vratili.
Lideri najvažnijih albanskih partija, kao i manjinskih partija
(ne uključujući srpske), uputili su javni poziv interno raseljenim
licima u Srbiji, Crnoj Gori i Makedoniji, kojim ih pozivaju
da se vrate na Kosovo. Posle ovoga, Skupština Kosova je 10.
jula usvojila 10 preporuka za stvaranje okruženja koje bi
bilo mnogo pogodnije za povratak. Istaknuti albanski političari,
uključujući i bivšeg vođu OVK Hašima Tačija, počeli su javno
da podržavaju povratak manjina. Tokom godine, predstavnici
privremenih kosovskih organa i UNMIK-a zajednički su posetili
lokacije na kojima žive povratnici, na primer, predsednik
Vlade Redžepi i specijalni predstavnik generalnog sekretara
Mihail Štajner posetili su 5. marta selo Sredska, a 10. jula
predsednik Kosova Ibrahim Rugova posetio je Uroševac. Septembra
su se kosovske privremene institucije složile da iz viška
konsolidovanog budžeta Kosova dodele 8,5 miliona dolara (7
miliona evra) za programe podrške povratku interno raseljenih
lica.
Izgledi za povratak značajno su varirali u zavisnosti od
regija i etničkih grupa. Poznavanje jezika većinske zajednice,
kao i nivo kontakata interno raseljenih lica i njihovih suseda
pre sukoba u velikoj meri su uticali na izglede povratnika
da se reintegrišu. Uopšteno, interakcija različitih zajednica
na osnovnom nivou povećala se tokom godine. Ovo jeste pomoglo
u uspostavljanju međuetničke tolerancije, ali nije neophodno
dovelo i do procesa pomirenja ili prihvatanja povrataka.
Mada je izvestan napredak postignut, povratak Roma, Aškalija
i Egipćana i dalje je bio ograničen, a mnogi povratnici Romi
zavise od humanitarne pomoći.
UNMIK, Visoki komesar UN za izbeglice i međunarodna zajednica
nastavili su sa sprovođenjem stabilizacionih programa namenjenih
manjinama, koji bi trebalo da pruže izvesnu pomoć potencijalnim
povratnicima. Visoki komesar je 3. marta objavio da je izdvojio
6,25 miliona dolara (pet miliona evra) za povratak interno
raseljenih lica. Pored toga, mnoge nevladine organizacije
i vlade pružile su pomoć za raseljavanje i repatrijaciju.
UNMIK-ova Kancelarija za povratak, Program UN za razvoj
(UNDP) i Visoki komesar UN za izbeglice uspostavili su tokom
godine Službu za brzo pružanje pomoći povratnicima, koja
brzo, fleksibilno i koordinirano reaguje prilikom povratka
manjih grupa na Kosovo, u mesta iz kojih potiču. Ovaj fond
je tokom godine delimično podržao povratak oko 130 povratničkih
porodica; ta podrška se sastojala od pomoći za popravku i
obnovu kuća i socijalno-ekonomsku pomoć. Podaci Visokog komesara
UN za izbeglice ukazuju na to da su se posle 2000. vratile
9.744 osobe koje ne pripadaju većinskoj etničkoj zajednici;
Visoki komesar UN za izbeglice procenjuje da su od tog broja
4.958 bili Srbi, a 4.786 pripadnici drugih manjinskih grupa.
Zakon ne predviđa davanje izbegličkog statusa ili egzila
osobama koje odgovaraju definiciji iz Konvencije UN u vezi
s izbegličkim statusom iz 1951. i njenim Protokolom iz 1967;
međutim, UNMIK je obezbedio zaštitu od proterivanja i odobravao
pojedincima status »osoba koje uživaju privremenu zaštitu
na Kosovu«. Od 12.000 osoba koje su od 2001. došle na Kosovo,
1.400 onih što su uživali privremenu zaštitu ostalo je na
Kosovu do kraja. UNMIK je sarađivao s Kancelarijom Visokog
komesara UN za ljudska prava i drugim humanitarnim organizacijama
u pružanju pomoći u ovakvim slučajevima.
Odeljak 3 Poštovanje političkih prava: pravo građana da
promene vlast
Kosovo se i dalje nalazi pod administrativnom upravom civilnih
vlasti UNMIK-a, ali kao što je istaknuto u Rezoluciji UN
1244, UNMIK se trudi da ljudima na Kosovu obezbedi »znatnu
autonomiju i značajnu samoupravu«. Posle povlačanja jugoslovenskih
snaga 1999, na nizu lokalnih izbora izabrano je lokalno rukovodstvo;
međutim, kosovski lideri kritikuju UNMIK zbog sporog prenosa
vlasti na privremene kosovske institucije. Sposobnost lokalnih
institucija da preuzmu dodatne administrativne odgovornosti
usporila je taj proces; međutim, UNMIK je 31. decembra okončao
zvanični prenos svih ovlašćenja na lokalne institucije koja
nisu rezervisana za UNMIK i objavio je planove za potpuno
izvršenje prenosa u 2004.
Uprkos teškoćama usled »uništavanja identiteta«, oduzimanja
ličnih isprava od strane jugoslovenskih vlasti (videti Odeljak
2.d), UNMIK i OEBS su registrovali 1,3 miliona glasača za
opštinske izbore 2002; na izborima su učestvovale sve etničke
zajednice, mada je učešće Srba značajno variralo u zavisnosti
od opštine; u severnom delu Mitrovice izbori su uglavnom
bili bojkotovani. Međunarodni i domaći posmatrači utvrdili
su da su opštinski izbori 2002. godine bili dobro organizovani,
efikasni i uglavnom u skladu sa međunarodnim standardima.
Od 68 političkih zajednica koje su učestvovale na izborima,
40 je osvojilo bar jedno mesto u nekoj lokalnoj skupštini.
Samo stanovnici Kosova i oni što su živeli u inostranstvu
u vreme tih izbora, ali su bili stanovnici Kosova na dan
1. januara 1998, imali su pravo glasa, što je isključilo
najveći deo kosovske albanske dijaspore u inostranstvu, ali
je uključilo najveći broj kosovskih Srba, interno raseljenih
lica koja su tokom rata napustila Kosovo. Opšti izbori održani
novembra 2001. godine doveli su marta 2002. do uspostavljanja
Skupštine Kosova, koja ima 120 poslanika i koja je izabrala
Ibrahima Rugovu za predsednika Kosova, potvrdila izbor Bajrama
Redžepija za predsednika Vlade i imenovala 10 ministara za
privremene kosovske institucije.
Na Kosovu postoji višestranački sistem koji se sastoji od
tri vodeće jednonacionalne albanske partije i nekoliko stranaka
i koalicija manjinskih zajednica. Demokratski savez Kosova,
na čijem čelu se nalazi Ibrahim Rugova, i dalje je najpopularnija
politička stranka na Kosovu, koja je tri puta osvojila preko
45% glasova na izborima održanim posle 2001, kao i vlast
u 18 opština, ali ne i većinu potrebnu da samostalno formira
Vladu.
Druge važne stranke su Demokratska partija Kosova, na čijem
čelu se nalazi Hašim Tači, srpska koalicija »Povratak« koju
predvodi Dragiša Krstović, kao i Alijansa za budućnost Kosova
koju predvodi Ramuš Haradinaj. Sve vodeće i mnoge manje partije
imaju i svoje podmlatke.
Na Kosovu postoji 30 opština. U zavisnosti od veličine opštine,
17-51 člana skupštine opštine biraju se na četiri godine,
po proprocionalnom sistemu sa izbornim listama. Svaka opština
je izabrala svog predsednika i potpredsednika, dok je drugi
potpredsednik potreban u slučaju velike manjinske zajednice
u toj opštini. Svaka skupština opštine mora da uspostavi
tri skupštinska odbora: za politiku i finansije, za zajednice
i za posredovanje, dok je uspostavljanje drugih odbora prepušteno
slobodnoj odluci od strane skupštine opštine. U svakoj opštini
postojali su stručan izvršni organ i upravni odbor koji skupštini
predlaže predsednika; u zavisnosti od veličine opštine varira
i veličina upravnog odbora. Veze između opštinske vlasti
i centralnih struktura vlasti nisu bile organizovane delimično
i zbog podele ovlašćenja u centralnim strukturama između
UNMIK-a i privremenih kosovskih institucija. Ministarstvo
za javne službe prvenstveno se bavilo opštinskim pitanjima,
dok je u radu svake opštine učestvovao po jedan opštinski
predstavnik UNMIK-a sa svojim osobljem, odnosno jedan regionalni
predstavnik u svakoj od pet regija koje su uspostavili UNMIK/KFOR.
Bilo je više izveštaja o napadima i pretnjama kosovskim
albanskim političarima. List »Bota sot« je izvestio da su
se u selu Kodrali, opština Dečani, pojavile neidentifikovane
bande koje su zlostavljale nekoliko pristalica Demokratskog
saveza Kosova. Policija UNMIK-a izvestila je o telefonskim
pretnjama predsedniku Rugovi koji je upozoren da će se naći
u opasnosti ako 12. aprila bude prisustvovao skupu u Peći.
Mediji su izvestili da je gradonačelnik Prištine Ismet Bećiri
13. maja dobio preteće pismo u kojem se tvrdilo da ga je
poslala ANA, slično pismu koje je nekoliko dana ranije primio
poslanik u Skupštini Kosova Fatmir Redžepi (DSK). Bivši komandant
Armije Republike Kosova i jedan od svedoka na važnom suđenju
protiv tzv. Dukađinske grupe, bivših članova OVK, preživeo
je 26. septembra treći atentat, bombaški napad na svoje vozilo
u Peći. U većini slučajeva, počinioci nisu identifikovani;
međutim, lokalni posmatrači često su ove napadale pripisivali
članovima suparničkih političkih stranaka. U nekim slučajevima
sumnjalo se i na nepolitičke motive, kao što su suparništvo
između klanova i običan kriminal.
OEBS je 2002. formirao Radnu grupu za izbore sa zadatkom
da reformiše izborni sistem, uključujući i Centralnu izbornu
komisiju, kako bi se pripremili parlamentarni izbori koji
će se održati 2004. Radna grupa je krajem godine za Specijalnog
predstavnika generalnog sekretara pripremala spisak preporuka
koje bi se primenile kao propis UNMIK-a. Mnogi kosovski Albanci
radije bi se opredelili za reformu izbornog sistema na osnovu
zakona koji bi usvojila Skupština; međutim, specijalni predstavnik
generalnog sekretara zaključio je da skupštinski predlog,
koji nalaže Vladi Kosova da pripremi nacrt izbornog zakona,
predstavlja prekoračenje ovlašćenja od strane Skupštine.
Preko svojih predstavnika u radnim grupama, kosovski Srbi
i druge manjinske zajednice učestvovali su u procesu reforme
izbornog sistema.
Da bi se rešila pitanja koja su postavili vodeći lideri
privremenih kosovskih institucija u vezi sa sporim prenosom
ovlašćenja na lokalne institucije, specijalni predstavnik
UN osnovao je zajedničko Veće UNMIK-a i privremenih kosovskih
institucija zaduženo za prenos ovlašćenja. Na svom prvom
sastanku održanom u aprilu, Veće je odlučilo da se ta ovlašćenja
mogu preneti na privremene institucije u skladu sa Ustavnom
poveljom, a maja je utvrdilo da se izvesna ovlašćenja mogu
»odmah preneti«, dok druga zahtevaju dodatna razmatranja.
Posle izvesnih problema, UNMIK je decembra objavio da će
prenos svih ovlašćenja na lokalne institucije koja nisu rezervisana
za UNMIK stupiti na snagu početkom 2004.
Nisu postojala nikakva pravna ograničenja u vezi sa učešćem
etničkih manjina u državnoj upravi i politici. Od 120 mesta
u Skupštini Kosova 34 pripada ženama. Jedna žena (pripadnica
turske manjine) bila je uključena u osmočlano Predsedništvo
Skupštine, a druga (takođe predstavnica turske manjine) bila
je član Vlade predsednika Redžepija. Reagujući na to što
su posle prethodnih izbora žene odustajale od svojih mesta
u Skupštini, UNMIK je od 2001. godine zahtevao da svako upražnjeno
mesto koje je zauzimala žena bude popunjeno takođe ženom.
Posle izbora 2002. godine, na žene je otpadalo 28% izabranih
opštinskih predstavnika. Pokušaj žena poslanika u Skupštini
da osnuju ženski poslanički klub nije urodio plodom; međutim,
odbor za jednakost polova održavao je svoje redovne sastanke
početkom godine.
Od 190 mesta u Skupštini Kosova 35 pripada manjinskim grupama,
uključujući i 22 Srbina (od kojih je 10 zauzimalo za njih
rezervisana mesta, dok su ostali bili izabrani). Postojala
su i dva ministra u privremenim institucijama koja su pripadala
manjinama (jedan Srbin i jedan Turčin), jedan Srbin koordinator
na međuministarskom nivou u rangu ministra, i dva Srbina
i jedan Turčin, članovi Predsedništva Skupštine. Uprkos tome
što u nekim delovima Kosova predstavnici manjina nisu bili
dovoljno zastupljeni na opštinskom nivou, Ustavni okvir zahteva
da Skupština predvidi 10 mesta rezervisanih za Srbe i 10
za pripadnike drugih manjina.
Odeljak 4 Stav Vlade prema istragama u vezi sa navodnim
kršenjima ljudskih prava koje su sprovodile međunarodne i
nevladine organizacije
Veliki broj domaćih i međunarodnih organizacija koje se
bave ljudskim pravima uglavnom je delovalo bez ograničenja
prilikom istraživanja i objavljivanja podataka u vezi sa
slučajevima kršenja ljudskih prava. UNMIK je uglavnom pokazivao
sklonost ka saradnji i reagovao je na njihove stavove. UNMIK
i OEBS i dalje podstiču razvoj građanskog društva, uključujući
i nevladine organizacije.
U skladu sa svojim odlukama, UNMIK je registrovao preko
2.300 nevladinih organizacija, oko 1.900 domaćih i 390 međunarodnih.
Iako su ovi brojevi veći nego 2002, ukupan broj zahteva za
registracijom se smanjio. Povećan broj lokalnih nevladinih
organizacija nadoknadio je napuštanje ili lokalizovanje međunarodnih
nevladinih organizacija. UNMIK je takođe suspendovao oslobođenje
od poreza za 145 nevladinih organizacija, uglavnom stoga
što nisu slale godišnje izveštaje, uključujući i finansijske.
Aktivnosti nevladinih organizacija uključivale su pružanje
pomoći stotinama hiljada izbeglica koje su se vraćale, podršku
u traganju za nestalima, kao i socijalne usluge u cilju ublažavanja
posledica posleratnih trauma (videti Odeljke 1.b i 2.d).
Međunarodna organizacija za migracije koordinirala je obuku
i projekte namenjene Kosovskom zaštitnom korpusu, često u
saradnji sa nevladinim organizacijama. Posmatrači stanja
ljudskih prava, uključujući predstavnike OEBS-a i neke lokalne
nevladine organizacije, aktivno su prikupljali dokumentaciju
u vezi sa etnički ili politički motivisanim ubistvima, nestancima
lica, napadima i slučajevima zastrašivanja (videti Odeljke
1.a, 1.b i 1.c). Rezolucija 1244 Saveta bezbednosti UN ovlastila
je OEBS za praćenje stanja ljudskih prava.
UNMIK, KFOR i specijalni predstavnik uopšteno su sarađivali
sa Međunarodnim krivičnim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju u vezi
sa zločinima počinjenim tokom sukoba 1998-1999. KFOR je 17.
februara lišio slobode Haradina Balu (»Šala«), Isaka Muslijua
(»Kerkiza«) i Agima Murtezija (»Murizija«), koje je Tribunal
optužio za ratne zločine. Tribunal je kasnije oslobodio Agima
Murtezija zbog toga što je prilikom hapšenje došlo do zamene
identiteta. Fatmir Litmaj, šef poslaničke grupe Demokratske
partije Kosova, uhapšen je u Sloveniji u vezi s istim slučajem
i predat Tribunalu. Tribunal je objavio svoju nameru da izda
još dve optužnice za ratne zločine počinjene od strane kosovskih
Albanaca; međutim, do kraja godine to još nije učinjeno.
Ovo su bile jedine takve operacije od strane KFOR-a, koje
su usledile podizanju optužnica Tribunala protiv pojedinaca
nastanjenih na Kosovu. Pored suđenja Limajevoj grupi, koji
se još nalazi u fazi istrage, jedini drugi slučaj pred Tribunalom
bio je nastavak suđenja Slobodanu Miloševiću zbog ratnih
zločina i zločina protiv čovečnosti počinjenih tokom ratova
vođenih devedesetih godina na Kosovu, u Bosni i u Hrvatskoj.
Ombudsman je i dalje ispitivao optužbe na račun Vlade u
vezi sa kršenjem međunarodnih zakona o ljudskim pravima.
UNMIK je uopšteno ispoljavao poštovanje prema Ombudsmanu
kome je na raspolaganju stajalo multietničko osoblje i koji
je aktivno objavljivao izveštaje i davao preporuke; međutim,
Ombudsman je tvrdio da su UNMIK ili KFOR retko kada postupali
u skladu s njegovim preporukama. Tokom godine, Ombudsman
je registrovao 1.187 žalbi, a još 30 slučajeva je sam inicirao.
Od tih žalbi, 121 (oko 10%) podneli su kosovski Srbi, a 22
pripadnici ostalih manjina. Kao okrivljena strana najčešće
se navodi UNMIK, a za njim Direkcija za stanovanje i imovinu,
privremene kosovske institucije i KFOR.
Ombudsman nije imao ovlašćenje da interveniše u slučajevima
protiv KFOR-a, a UNMIK je obezbeđivao širok imunitet svojim
članovima. Od 2001. godine, Ombudsman je smatrao da su Propis
2000/47 u vezi sa statusom, privilegijama i imunitetom UNMIK-a
i KFOR-a predstavljali kršenje međunarodno priznatih ljudskih
prava. Uprkos tome, Ombudsman je igrao važnu savetodavnu
ulogu kako u pogledu pojedinačnih slučajeva, tako i u pogledu
posebnih izveštaja i opštih mišljenja. Zapovednik KFOR-a
je pristao na blisku saradnju s Ombudsmanom i izjavio da
KFOR neće vršiti nikakva nezakonita hapšenja.
Odeljak 5 Diskriminacija na osnovu rasne pripadnosti, pola,
umanjenih sposobnosti, jezika i društvenog položaja
Propisi UNMIK-a posebno zabranjuju diskriminaciju na osnovu
pola, rase ili etničkog porekla. Međutim, nasilje i diskriminacija
žena, osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima i etničkih manjina
i dalje su se zadržali.
Žene
Nasilje protiv žena, uključujući silovanja i visok stepen
nasilja u porodici, još predstavlja ozbiljan i stalan problem.
Centar za zaštitu žena i dece, jedna lokalna nevladina organizacija,
procenjuje da je tokom godine od žrtava nasilja primio oko
5.400 zahteva za pružanje pomoći. Nasilje u porodici je nezakonito,
a kazne koje se primenjuju uključuju lišavanje slobode u
trajanju od 6 meseci do 5 godina. UNMIK je u maju doneo propis
o zaštiti od nasilja u porodici, kojim su zabranjene sve
vrste pretnji i akti nasilja u porodici, i određeni uslovi
za zaštitu žrtve, kao što su zabrana približavanja žrtvi
i zakon i procedure u vezi sa redovnim i hitnim sudskim nalogom
za zaštitu. Ovaj propis takođe navodi organ zadužen za sprovođenje
naloga o zaštiti i njegove odgovornosti, uključujući hapšenja,
i određuje kazne za kršenja naloga o zaštiti u rasponu od
250 do 2.500 dolara (200 do 2.000 evra), ili lišavanje slobode
u trajanju do šest meseci. To što je ovaj propis pretočen
u zakon omogućilo je da sud uspešno reši nekoliko slučajeva,
kao i zaštitu na osnovu sudskog naloga za nekoliko porodica
u kojima je postojala opasnost od nasilja. Broj zvaničnih
pritužbi vlastima zbog nasilja u porodici značajno je porastao
tokom godine, isto kao i gonjenje takvih slučajeva. Međutim,
s obzirom na tradicionalno patrijarhalno društvo, zlostavljanje
žena u porodici nije retko, a malo žrtava nasilja u braku
podnelo je tužbu vlastima. Škola Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa
uključivala je u svoj nastavni program i posebnu obuku u
vezi sa nasiljem u porodici i silovanjem.
Silovanje se nedovoljno prijavljuje zato što se tradicionalno
smatra da su žrtve i njihove porodice osramoćene. Zakon se
nije posebno bavio silovanjem u braku. Tradicija uopšteno
sprečava razgovor na temu silovanja među Albancima, zbog
toga što se na to gleda kao na obeščašćenje cele porodice.
Tokom godine, policija je registrovala 82 slučaja silovanja
i 45 slučajeva seksualnog zlostavljanja, dakle povećanje
u odnosu na broj prijavljenih slučajeva u 2002.
Prostitucija je zakonom zabranjena i predstavlja prekršaj
koji povlači zatvorsku kaznu u trajanju od 30 dana. Prostitutke
koje nisu bile žrtve trgovine ljudima puštane su uz upozorenje
ukoliko im je to bio prvi susret sa policijom.
Kosovo sve više služi kao tranzitno područje i odredište
u trgovini ženama u cilju prostitucije (videti Odeljak 6).
Nijedna vladina agencija nije bila posebno posvećena problemu
nasilja u porodici; međutim, postojala su četiri prihvatilišta
za pružanje pomoći žrtvama nasilja u porodici i trgovine
ljudima, od kojih su dva držale lokalne nevladine organizacije,
a dva međunarodne (videti Odeljak 6.f). Nekoliko domaćih
i međunarodnih nevladinih organizacija i dalje je radilo
na pružanju pomoći ženama, koje je tradicija ipak navodila
da ćute o nasilju u porodici, seksualnom zlostavljanju i
silovanju.
Žene po zakonu imaju ista prava kao i muškarci, ali po tradiciji
ne uživaju isti položaj u društvu, što negativno utiče i
na njihov tretman u okviru pravnog sistema. Skupština Kosova
je 23. oktobra u principu odobrila zakon o jednakosti polova,
prvi zakon koji je inicirao jedan skupštinski odbor - Odbor
za pitanja polova - a ne Vlada. Kancelarija UNMIK-a za pitanja
polova koordinirala je rešavanje takvih problema od strane
različitih UNMIK-ovih službi. Ona je u svakoj opštini postavila
opštinske službenike zadužene za ova pitanja, koji pružaju
besplatnu savetodavnu pomoć; 26 službenika zaduženih za pitanje
polova bili su Albanci, a četvoro Srbi. Koordinatori, postavljeni
da bi usklađivali relevantne aktivnosti šest različitih ministarstava,
a u toku je proces njihovog postavljenja u ostalima. U okviru
Kancelarije predsednika Vlade postoji služba zadužena za
ova pitanja.
Relativno malo žena je zauzimalo više rukovodeće položaje
u privredi ili u Vladi, mada za to nisu postojala zakonska
ograničenja. Poseban zakon o seksualnom uznemiravanju ne
postoji. Tradicionalne patrijarhalne ideje o ulozi polova
i dalje su dovodile žene u diskriminisan položaj. U nekim
seoskim područjima žene su često imale malo stvarnih mogućnosti
da donose bilo kakve odluke u vezi sa svojom decom, ili u
vezi sa raspolaganjem imovinom. Uprkos tome što žene i muškarci
po zakonu imaju ista prava na nasleđivanje, porodičnu imovinu
u skladu s običajima nasleđuju samo muškarci. Albanske udovice,
posebno u seoskim područjima, izložene su opasnosti da izgube
starateljstvo nad sopstvenom decom zbog običaja koji zahteva
da deca i imovina pripadaju porodici preminulog oca, dok
se udovica vraća svojoj porodici.
Prisustvo međunarodnih organizacija otvorilo je mnoga radna
mesta za žene. Policija UNMIK-a i OEBS i dalje vode agresivnu
kampanju u vezi sa regrutovanjem žena u Kosovsku policijsku
službu, u kojoj ih već ima oko 15%. Oko 210 od 3.000 aktivnih
pripadnika Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa, ili 7%, bile su žene.
Žene su sve aktivnije u politici. Nekoliko žena rukovodilo
je i radom lokalnih nevladinih organizacija. Uprkos tome,
iako ih je bilo zaposleno više nego ranije, malo žena je
napredovalo do viših položaja. Nekoliko njih zauzimalo je
rukovodeće položaje u Kosovskoj policijskoj službi, ili u
drugim državnim organizacijama. Nezaposlenost, koja se procenjuje
na 60%, bila je veća kada su žene u pitanju; oko 70% žena
na Kosovu bilo je registrovano kao nezaposleno.
Deca
UNMIK i privremene kosovske institucije uglavnom su bili
posvećeni blagostanju i pravima dece. Ministarstvo obrazovanja,
nauke i tehnologije, kao i Ministarstvo zdravlja, bili su
zajednički odgovorni za pitanja u vezi sa obrazovanjem i
zdravstvenom zaštitom dece; međutim, niko se u Vladi nije
posebno bavio pitanjima prava dece i zakonom o zaštiti maloletnika.
Propisi UMNIK-a zahtevaju obavezno pohađanje državnih škola
za decu od 6 do 15 godina, uz izvesne izuzetke. Propisi nisu
predviđali izbegavanje pohađanja nastave iz bezbednosnih
razloga; međutim, vlasti nisu insistirale na pohađanju nastave
tamo gde su postojali bezbednosni problemi na etničkoj osnovi.
Osnovno obrazovanje je bilo obavezno, besplatno i opšte.
Ogromna većina dece školskog uzrasta, mlađe od 15 godina,
pohađala je školu. Četrdeset šest odsto dece pohađalo je
srednje škole koje nisu obavezne, od toga 43% devojčica.
Nije bilo razlike u tretmanu dečaka i devojčica. Propisi
UNMIK-a zahtevaju podjednake uslove za školsku decu u svim
zajednicama, a manjinskim grupama je obezbeđeno pravo na
obrazovanje na maternjem jeziku, zaključno sa srednjoškolskim
nivoom. Škole sa nastavom na srpskom, bošnjačkom i turskom
jeziku radile su tokom godine. Specijalni predstavnik je
5. maja proglasio Zakon o visokom obrazovanju. Ovaj zakon
je dao dozvolu za rad i srpskom univerzitetu u severnoj Mitrovici
i obezbedio za njega sredstva iz konsolidovanog budžeta Kosova,
pored toga što se ta institucija finansira iz Srbije.
Velike štete koje su pretrpele mnoge školske zgrade, nedostatak
obrazovnog materijala i stalni nestanci struje i dalje su
ometali rad škola; međutim, tokom godine je došlo do poboljšanja
infrastrukture. Nevladine organizacije preusmerile su svoju
pažnju na unapređenje stručnosti vaspitačica u predškolskim
ustanovama i nastavnog osoblja za osnovne škole, kao i na
uključenje dece sa posebnim potrebama. Do kraja godine, u
svim opštinama uvedena su posebna odeljenja za takvu decu.
Nedostatak slobode kretanja i nespremnost da se odustane
od beogradskih nastavnih planova, navela je srpsku decu da
pohađaju škole u susedstvu, koje su ponekad smeštene u neodgovarajućim
objektima kojima nedostaje osnovna oprema. Gotovo sva deca,
i srpska i albanska, upisuju se u osnovnu školu; međutim,
kada su u pitanju srednje škole, postoji primetna razlika
u odnosu na pol i etničku pripadnost - albanske devojčice
ređe pohađaju i završavaju srednje škole od albanskih dečaka,
ili devojčica koje pripadaju srpskoj zajednici na Kosovu.
U seoskim područjima, nedostatak prevoza naveo je srpske
porodice da daju prioritet školovanju dečaka.
Deca koja pripadaju zajednicama Roma, Aškalija i Egipćana
pohađala su mešovite škole s albanskom decom, ali su prema
izveštajima bila suočena sa zastrašivanjem u nekim oblastima
gde postoji albanska većina. Romska deca su uglavnom bila
u nepovoljnom položaju zbog siromaštva, koje mnoge navodi
na to da veoma rano počinju da rade i doprinose porodičnom
prihodu. Bošnjačka deca bila su u izvesnoj meri u mogućnosti
da pohađaju nastavu na svom jeziku, mada su bila suočena
sa nedostatkom profesionalnih bošnjačkih učitelja. Ministarstvo
obrazovanja i dalje je organizovalo programe pre svega za
decu Roma, Aškalija i Egipćana, kako bi nadoknadila propušteno,
do čega je često dolazilo usled selidbe izazvane sukobima.
Ministarstvo je takođe obezbedilo ubrzani proces upisa za
raseljenu decu iz manjinskih grupa, kada su u pitanju srednje
i visoko obrazovanje.
Prema jednom izveštaju, albanska deca iz interno raseljenih
porodica koja su se nedavno vratila, nisu imala pristup u
lokalnu školu u selu Štrpce u Vitini, ali je ovaj problem
kasnije rešen sa opštinskim vlastima.
Ekonomski problemi i završetak sukoba uticali su i na sistem
zdravstvene zaštite što se loše odrazilo na decu, posebno
iz manjinskih grupa. Humanitarni radnici smatraju da se visoka
smrtnost novorođenčadi i dece, isto kao i sve veće epidemije
bolesti koje se inače mogu sprečiti, pre svega mogu pripisati
siromaštvu koje izaziva neuhranjenost, zatim lošim higijenskim
uslovima i pogrošanju komunalne higijene. Posmatrači su verovali
da je lošim zdravstvenim uslovima doprineo i visok nivo zagađenja
vode i vazuha, isto kao i ekološki efekti nekontrolisanog
otpuštanja toksičnih materija, uključujući olovo i druge
hemikalije u industrijskom kombinatu Trepča.
Bilo je izveštaja o zlostavljanju dece, mada ono nije bilo
rašireno. Prema Centru za obrazovanje, u područjima gde se
govori albanski, bilo je više zlostavljanja dece u školama
nego u porodici, dok je u srpskim oblastima bilo više zlostavljanja
dece u porodici nego u školama.
OEBS je tokom godine objavio izveštaj o centrima za socijalni
rad, koji imaju kancelarije u svakoj opštini pod nadzorom
ministra za rad i socijalnu politiku privremenih kosovskih
institucija. U izveštaju su razmotreni slučajevi u kojima
su deca bila žrtve zločina (38), seksualnog nasilja (14),
žrtve trgovine ljudima (7), napuštanja (8) i zanemarivanja
obrazovanja (9). Na primer, četiri devojčice starosti od
12 do 16 godina i jedan dvogodišnji dečak živeli su potpuno
sami u jednoj napuštenoj kući u Prizrenu, u koju su muškarci
iz susedstva svraćali i navodno silovali jednu od devojčica;
centar za socijalni rad kasnije je odredio staratelja koji
nije imao odgovarajuće kvalifikacije.
Visoka nezaposlenost i dislokacija posle sukoba izazvali
su veću stopu napuštanja dece. Pošto lokalna stopa usvajanja
i programi hraniteljskih porodica nisu mogli da prate korak
sa stopom napuštanja, novorođenčad i deca često su smeštani
u domove sa nekoliko staratelja. Deca sa umanjenim fizičkim
sposobnostima, posebno u seoskim područjima, često su skrivana
i nije im pružana odgovarajuća nega.
Kosovo je bilo i tranzitno područje i destinacija trgovine
decom u cilju prostitucije (videti Odeljak 6.f). U jednom
slučaju, jedan pripadnik civilne policije UNMIK-a uhapšen
je zajedno sa trojicom stanovnika Kosova, zbog sumnje da
je učestvovao u trgovini decom i organizovanju lanca prostitucije.
Nevladine organizacije počele su sve više pažnje da poklanjaju
boljem upoznavanju s pravima dece i obuci socijalnih radnika,
recimo NVO »Spasimo decu« obučavala je koordinatore za prava
dece na opštinskom nivou. Nevladine organizacije su izvestile
da su za razliku od 2002. godine televizijski programi za
decu sada uobičajeni, kao i da su se u ogromnom broju povećali
medijski izveštaji o pitanjima koja se tiču dece.
Osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima
Ne postoji sveobuhvatan zakon koji izričito zabranjuje diskriminaciju
osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima prilikom zapošljavanja,
obrazovanja ili pružanja javnih usluga, a u praksi je u tim
oblastima dolazilo do značajne diskriminacije. Međutim, neki
zakoni su se bavili aspektima pitanja povezanih sa invaliditetom,
kao što je zakon o penzijama za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima
starije od 18 godina, i zakon o obrazovanju koji predviđa
posebne učionice za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima. Visoka
stopa nezaposlenosti posebno je otežavala zapošljavanje osoba
s invaliditetom, a UNMIK i privremene kosovske institucije
nisu im nudili direktne usluge. Zakon zahteva omogućavanje
pristupa javnim zgradama; međutim, on se u praksi nije primenjivao.
Postojala su posebno obeležena mesta za parkiranje za osobe
sa umanjenim sposobnostima, ali ne i zakon koji bi sprečio
druge da ih koriste. Tokom godine postignut je napredak u
oblasti obrazovanja osoba sa umanjenim sposobnositma; otvorena
su posebna odeljenja u svakoj školi za decu koja su imala
posebne potrebe, isto kao i zajednički časovi za decu sa
specijalnim potrebama kako bi se uključila u redovne aktivnosti
kad god je to moguće; ovu pogodnost je tokom godine iskoristilo
800 takve dece.
U odsustvu socijalnih usluga osobama sa umanjenim sposobnostima
od strane UNMIK-a i privremenih kosovskih institucija, lokalna
nevladina organizacija »Handikos« jedina je pružala široke
usluge takvim osobama na Kosovu; međutim, »Handikos« nije
prisutan u opštinama na severu sa srpskom većinom, ili u
Novom Brdu, tako da u većini manjinskih zajednica osobe sa
umanjenim sposobnostima nisu uopšte mogle da dobiju odgovarajuće
usluge.
S obzirom na uopšteno nizak nivo zdravstvene zaštite na
Kosovu, posebna zaštita za osobe sa umaenjnim sposobnostima
nije bila široko dostupna, odnosno za većinu osoba bila je
nedostupna zbog visokih cena.
Razumevanje od strane društva za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima
uopšte nije postojalo, isto kao ni bilo kakva socijalna pomoć
za, kako se pretpostavlja, 14 hiljada osoba sa mentalnim
poremećajima na Kosovu. Važeći zakon o starateljstvu nije
odgovarao međunarodnim standardima, a nije bilo ni iskustva
u vezi sa problemom prava invalida. Na primer, zakon ne uviđa
da su smeštanje pojedinaca u institucije i prinudno lečenje
dva različita zakonska pitanja. Zakon takođe ne predviđa
socijalnu pomoć na osnovu mentalne nesposobnosti.
Postojale su dve institucije za mentalno zdravlje na Kosovu,
uključujući Štimlje, dom za stare u Prištini i dva objekta
za decu, jedan u Štimlju i drugi u Prištini. Svetska zdravstvena
organizacija pokrenula je programe za mentalno zdravlje u
svakoj opštini, ali kontakt sa njima nije bio adekvatan.
Na Kosovu uglavnom nije bilo institucija za mentalno zdravlje
koje imaju adekvatne kapacitete i pružaju adekvatne usluge.
U bolnicama kao što je prištinska, postojala su psihijatrijska
odeljenja koja mogu da prime 56 pacijenata, ali standardi
su bili daleko ispod prihvatljivih za dugoročno lečenje.
Nevladina organizacija »Mental Disability Rights International«
(MDRI) bila je aktivna u unapređenju prava osoba sa mentalnim
poremećajima od avgusta 2002, posle izveštaja koji je pružio
obimne i ubedljive dokaze u vezi sa zanemarivanjem, fizičkim
nasiljem, seksualnim zlostavljanjem i proizvoljnim zatvaranjem
u vodećim psihijatrijskim ustanovama. Prema izveštaju, ova
krivična dela činilo je osoblje i pacijenti u institutu u
Štimlju, prištinskom domu za stare i prištinskoj univerzitetskoj
bolnici, a krivične istrage su krajem godine još bile u toku.
Ti programi bili su rezultat politike koju je uspostavio
UNMIK; međutim, UNMIK je u velikoj meri odgovornost za osobe
sa umanjenim sposobnostima preneo na lokalno osoblje.
Reagujući na izveštaj nevladine organizacije MDRI, UNMIK
je osnovao »odbore posetilaca« kako bi nadgledao uslove i
obezbedio sredstva za izgradnju domova za osobe sa umanjenom
sposobnošću. Tokom godine, UNMIK je uložio oko 2,5 miliona
dolara (2 miliona evra) za rekonstrukcije institucije u Štimlju.
MDRI je 17. jula objavila izveštaj o stanju posle godinu
dana u kojem je tvrdila da uprkos popravki objekata, UNMIK
nije uspeo da zaštiti prava pacijenata i da u zajednici stvori
bezbedne alternative za institucionalnu brigu, što je UNMIK
odlučno odbacio. MDRI je izvestila da su se izvori gotovo
isključivo koristili za popravku objekata, a ne unapređnjem
usluga osobama sa mentalnim poremećajima, koji su i dalje
neadekvatni. Na primer, 199 pacijenata u Štimlju daleko prevazilazi
kapacitet te institucije koja može da primi 100 pacijenata.
Osoblje nema kvalifikacije za rad sa pacijentima sa mentalnim
poremećajima i ne pokazuje razumevanje za posebne potrebe
žena koje su pretrpele seksualno nasilje, ili druge traume.
MDRI je takođe tvrdila da su pacijenti bili zatvarani bez
zakonskog osnova, budući da UNMIK nije doneo nikakav propis
koji bi regulisao zatvaranje u psihijatrijske ili socijalne
ustanove, ili da bi se zaštitila prava unutar tih ustanova.
UNMIK nije imao plan za uspostavljanje adekvatnih usluga
na nivou zajednica koji bi omogućili integraciju. U odsustvu
sistema podrške na nivou zajednice, osobe s mentalnim poremećajima
kao po pravilu su završavale u sistemu krivičnog pravosuđa,
često zbog sitnih prestupa, neznanja policije ili nepostojanja
odgovarajućih institucija. Pojedinci kojima je bilo potrebno
psihijatrijsko lečenje povremeno su bili osuđivani zbog izmišljenih
ili sitnih prestupa, i odlazili u zatvore u kojima nije bilo
uslova za adekvatan tretman; međutim, MDRI je obučio neke
pripadnike Kosovske policije kako bi sprečavao ovakve slučajeve.
Pored toga, uprkos tome što postoje dokazi o zlostavljanju,
niko na Kosovu nije bio kažnjen zbog lošeg postupanja sa
osobama sa mentalnim poremećajima.
Nacionale/rasne/etničke manjine
Uprkos tome što je visok nivo nasilja podstaknut osvetom,
koji je usledio posle povlačenja jugoslovenskih snaga 1999,
i dalje značajno opadao, nasilje i zločini još su se sprovodili
nad manjinama. Bilo je ubistava, otmica i napada čije su
žrtve bili Srbi, Romi i pripadnici drugih manjina, a napadi
na imovinu, recimo namerne paljevine, i dalje se dešavaju.
Opšti nivo teških krivičnih dela ostao je isti kao 2002.
Tokom godine su se dogodila 72 ubistva, nešto malo više nego
2002. kada ih je bilo 70 (Odeljak 1.a). U 17 slučajeva žrtve
su pripadale manjinskim zajednicama (24%). Tokom godine je
ubijeno 13 tamošnjih Srba, a za 7 od ovih ubistava smatra
se da su bila etnički motivisana. Povećano nasilje, posebno
tokom leta, moglo je da bude politički motivisano, na šta
ukazuje veza sa povećanom političkom aktivnošću. Posebno
teški zločini čije su žrtve Srbi bili su, kako se pretpostavlja,
etnički motivisani, ali do kraja godine još niko nije osuđen,
te stoga ne postoji ni jasan dokaz koji bi ovo potvrdio.
Srbi i Romi koji žive na Kosovu i dalje izveštavaju da se
plaše da napuštaju svoje enklave zbog straha od zastrašivanja
i napada od strane etničkih Albanaca (Odeljak 2.d).
Jedan Srbin, Zoran Nikić, ubijen je 17. maja u selu Vrbovac
u Vitini, dok je drugi nestao 12. maja, a zatim nađen mrtav
u Gazivodi, u opštini Zubin Potok. Jedna tročlana srpska
porodica iz Obilića, osamdesetogodišnji Slobodan Stolić,
njegova žena i sin, brutalno su ubijeni 3. juna. Dva srpska
dečaka bila su ubijena, a četvorica ranjena iz automatskog
oružja, dok su se 13. avgusta kupali u reci u Goraždevcu.
Jedan srpski seljak je 26. avgusta ranjen u stomak iz snajpera
u Bici, ali je preživeo. Ručna bomba bačena 31. avgusta na
jednu radnju u Cernici ubila je jednu a ranila četiri osobe.
Ni u vezi s jednim od ovih slučajeva niko nije bio uhapšen,
što je izazvalo veliku zabrinutost srpske zajednice. Policijska
stanica u Vitini obaveštena je 16. novembra da je u poljima
u blizini sela Klokot pronađeno telo dvadesetjednogodišnjeg
Srbina koji je bio pogođen jednim metkom iz puške. Policija
je uhapsila dva kosovska Srbina na koje je sumnjala zato
što su sa žrtvom imali spor u vezi sa vlasništvom nad zemljom,
ali su oni kasnije pušteni. Slučaj do kraja godine nije rešen.
Bilo je nekoliko slučajeva nasilja od strane Srba prema
Albancima, ali bez fatalnih posledica. Grupa Srba iz Zubinog
Potoka fizički je napala petočlanu albansku porodicu koja
je putovala u albansku enklavu Caber. Šezedesetdvogodišnji
Albanac Šaip Žilivoda isprebijan je 4. maja od strane grupe
Srba u severnoj Mitrovici, a usled ozbiljnih povreda bio
je u komi nekoliko dana; policija UNMIK-a je uhapsila jednog
Srbina u vezi s ovim slučajem. Nepoznate osobe bacile su
3. marta ručnu bombu na albansko-bošnjačku enklavu u severnoj
Mitrovici. Nekoliko Srba je zasulo kamenjem 9. aprila Bekima
Šalju, Albanca, u srpskoj enklavi u Goraždevcu, u Opštini
Peć, i nanela mu ozbiljne povrede. Nekoliko je slučajeva
očigledne odmazde zbog ubistva u Goraždevcu 13. avgusta.
Četiri dana za redom, zaključno sa 18. avgustom, albanski
delovi u severnoj Mitrovici bili su meta napada ručnim bombama.
Jedna grupa Srba iz Gračanice pretukla je 17. avgusta pet
Albanaca, uključujući i dvoje dece, koji su putovali u Gnjilane.
Ramadan Krasnići je 20. avgusta napadnut iz zasede dok je
prolazio kolima kroz srpsko selo Raniluk na putu Gnjilane-Kamenica,
ali nije bio povređen. Albanski stanovnici naselja Kodra
i Minatoreve u severnoj Mitrovici žalili su se da srpski
»čuvari mosta« stražare na ulazu u njihovu zonu pod izgovorom
da štite srpske kuće i da time Albancima onemogućavaju pristup
ambulanti i školi. Petorica Srba su novembra na spavanju
napala porodicu Berdija Beke u severnoj Mitrovici, nekoliko
puta napali Beku i bacili eksplozivnu napravu na njegovu
kuću; civilna policija je identifikovala učesnike i uhapsila
jednog osumnjičenog.
Šestog decembra, 150 demonstranata opkolilo je mesto na
kojem se održavao radni ručak u severnoj Mitrovici, na kojem
su prisustvovali predstavnici Svetske banke i predsednik
Vlade Kosova Bajram Redžepi. Masa je zasula kamenjem restoran
i porazbijala izloge. Predsednik Vlade je pobegao bez povreda,
ali je jedan član međunarodne delegacije pretrpeo lakše povrede.
Pripadnici manjinskih zajednica, uključujući Bošnjake, Egipćane,
Aškalije, Gorance i neke Rome, prijavili su da se njihova
bezbednosna situacija poboljšala tokom godine, mada je do
izbijanja nasilja i zlostavljanja i dalje dolazilo, a sloboda
kretanja im je bila ograničena na neke oblasti (videti Odeljak
2.d). Ručna bomba je eksplodirala 20. jula u dvorištu jedne
porodice Aškalija. Prema izjavi glave porodice, bio je to
deveti napad na njih. Bošnjački lideri se i dalje žale da
su se hiljade članova njihove zajednice iselili zbog diskriminacije
i loše ekonomske situacije.
Civili su bili odgovorni i za uništavanje privatne imovine,
koja se često svodi na podmetanje požara. Tokom godine zabeleženo
je 524 slučaja podmetanja požara, što predstavlja povećanje
u odnosu na 489 koliko ih je bilo 2002. Policija je verovala
da je 26 ovih podmetnutih požara bilo etnički motivisano.
Zabeležena pojava tzv. »strateške prodaje« nastavila se i
širila se; nasilje, zastrašivanja i nuđenje atraktivnih cena
korišćeno je kako bi se kosovski Srbi ubedili da prodaju
imovinu na važnim lokacijama, što izaziva osipanje srpskih
naselja i dodatno povećanje izolacije onih što ostaju. Imovinski
sporovi i ilegalno zaposedanje domova i dalje su bili izvor
međuetničkih sukoba (videti Odeljak 1.e). Ovi sporovi su
ukorenjeni u prinudnom iseljavanju i raseljavanju koje je
proisteklo iz sukoba 1999. godine. Kosovski Srbi i Romi žive
prvenstveno u enklavama, izuzev, kada je reč o Srbima, na
severu Kosova, gde su Srbi i Albanci podelili Mitrovicu.
Srbi su uglavnom živeli u opštinama na severu Kosova, u Leposaviću,
Zubinom Potoku i Zvečanu, u severnom delu Mitrovice i na
drugim mestima, u raštrkanim enklavama pod zaštitom KFOR-a.
KFOR i policija obezbeđuju te enklave, prate ljude koji putuju,
ali su počeli da smanjuju broj patrola i pratnju.
U Mitrovici, Srbi i Albanci su jedni druge uznemiravali
i jedni drugima ograničavali slobodu kretanja (videti Odeljak
2.d). Mnogi kosovski Albanci iz južne Mitrovice želeli su
da se vrate u svoje stanove u severnoj Mitrovici, a oko 1.500
Albanaca koji su još živeli u severnom delu grada bili su
predmet stalnog uznemiravanja. U južnom delu Mitrovice, pretežno
naseljenom Albancima, ovi su nezakonito zaposeli imovinu
Srba. Pošto je UNMIK prošle godine proširio svoju vlast i
na severnu Mitrovicu, Vlada Republike Srbije otvorila je
tamo jednu kancelariju Koordinacionog centra za Kosovo, u
kojoj su tamošnji Srbi mogli da podnese zahteve za dobijanje
jugoslovenskih dokumenata koji se izdaju u Srbiji. Uprkos
tome što i dalje postoji zabrinutost zbog drugih »paralelnih
struktura« u toj oblasti, uključujući i bolnicu u severnoj
Mitrovici koju finansira Ministarstvo zdravlja Republike
Srbije, mnogi službenici opštinske administracije koju je
finansirala Srbija zaposleni su od strane UNMIK-a. Pošto
je većina Srba iz severnog dela Mitrovice bojkotovala opštinske
izbore 2002, UNMIK je naimenovao jedno multietničko savetodavno
telo, koje predstavlja stanovnike severnog dela te opštine.
Uprkos tome što je došlo do izvesnog unapređenja tokom prethodnih
godina, etničke manjine, posebno Srbi, trpeli su široko rasprostranjenu
društvenu diskriminaciju, posebno u pogledu zapošljavanja,
obrazovanja i zdravstvenih usluga. Fizička bezbednost i sloboda
kretanja i dalje su predstavljale ozbiljan problem za kosovske
Srbe, što dokazuje činjenica da ogromna većina kosovskih
Srba i dalje živi u enklavama. Kosovski Srbi su bili izloženi
društvenoj diskriminaciji i u pogledu obrazovanja i pogledu
zdravstvene zaštite, ali te usluge se i dalje dopunjavaju
zahvaljujući finansiranju iz Srbije preko Koordinacionog
centra za Kosovo i paralelnih institucija, kao što je bolnica
u severnoj Mitrovici. Učešće manjina u Kosovskoj policiji
i dalje predstavlja problem (videti Odeljak 1.d).
Turska zajednica bila je mnogo bliže integrisana sa kosovskim
Albancima, te je stoga mnogo manje od drugih manjina bila
izložena društvenoj diskriminaciji. Romi su u većoj meri
zavisili od humanitarne pomoći. Uprkos nekim uspešnim pokušajima
da se Romi, Aškalije i Egipćani vrate u svoje kuće gde su
ranije živeli, zabrinutost za bezbednost i dalje postoji
(videti Odeljak 2.d).
Odeljak 6 Prava radnika
a. Pravo na udruživanje
Propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju osnovno pravo na rad, uključujući
uslove zapošljavanja, pravo na osnivanje sindikata i pravo
na pripadanje sindikatima i drugim organizacijama bez uplitanja
poslodavaca, ali ne i eksplicitno pravo udruživanja; ova
prava radnici su u praksi koristili. Antisindikalna diskriminacija
zabranjena je i u praksi se nije ni događala. Savez nezavisnih
sindikata Kosova, najveći od nekoliko sindikata koji deluju
na Kosovu, izvestio je da propise poštuje samo mali broj
firmi. Oni su tvrdili da se u svakom sektoru krše prava radnika,
što se odnosi na međunarodne organizacije, koje osoblju ne
uplaćuje doprinose za socijalno i penzijsko osiguranje. Ministarstvo
rada i socijalne politike privremenih kosovskih institucija
zaduženo je da daje preporuke u vezi s radnim odnosima i
pravima radnika.
Posle rata, radničke organizacije preusmerile su svoju pažnju
sa pružanja pomoći članovima na tradicionalne sindikalne
teme. Najveća sindikalna organizacija, Savez nezavisnih sindikata
Kosova, osnovana je 1990, a broj članova bio je najveći sredinom
devedesetih, kada je iznosio 260.000. Tokom godine, ova organizacija
je imala 16 aktivnih ogranaka i 4 sa statusom posmatrača.
Sindikat ima oko 100.600 članova, od kojih je polovina nezaposlena.
Predsednik Saveza nezavisnih sindikata bio je član Uprave
Kosovske agencije za privatizaciju, koja je rukovodila tim
procesom, a u svakom odboru Skupštine Kosova nalazi se i
jedan član tog sindikata. Savez nezavisnih sindikata i dalje
je sarađivao sa međunarodnim organizacijama, uključujući
Međunarodnu organizaciju rada, bio je primljen u punopravno
članstvo Međunarodne konfederacije slobodnih sindikata i
stekao je posmatrački status Evropske konfederacije sindikata.
On je ostvario dobar pristup preduzećima u državnom vlasništvu,
ali ne i sa privatnim preduzećima, zbog čega su prava radnika
u privatnim firmama uglavnom ograničena. Savez nezavisnih
sindikata ima i ogranak koji uključuje mala preduzeća i zanatlije,
ali on zastupa pre vlasnike nego zaposlene. Druga aktivna
sindikalna organizacija bila je Sindikat zaposlenih u oblasti
obrazovanja, kulture i nauke, koji je registrovan kao nevladina
organizacija.
Uprkos tome što zakon izričito dozvoljava povezivanje sa
međunarodnim organizacijama, i što ne postoje zakonska ograničenja
za takve aktivnosti, zbog toga što ne postoje putovanja i
razmena sa inostranstvom, mogućnost međunarodnog sindikalnog
povezivanja bila je u praksi ograničena.
b. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje
Propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno
pregovaranje. Međutim, do kolektivnog pregovaranja retko
dolazi. Sindikati su težili da se usredsređuju na potrebe
određenih grupa, a ne na zajedničke potrebe svih radnika.
Radnici iz različitih sektora nisu uspeli da otkriju zajedničke
interese u vezi sa kojima bi pregovarali, kao što su sigurnost
radnog mesta, minimalni standardi zaštite na radu i opšte
beneficije. Slaba privreda i visoka stopa nezaposlenosti
ograničavaju pregovaračku poziciju sindikalnih organizacija.
Zakon ne priznaje pravo na štrajk; međutim, štrajkovi nisu
bili zabranjivani. Savez nezavisnih sindikata smatrao je
da je štrajk indirektno priznat kada je podneo svoje statute
na registraciju, budući da oni sadrže to pravo. Zakon ne
predviđa radne sporove; međutim, UNMIK, Savez nezavisnih
sindikata i Trgovinska komora sklopili su 2001. jedan tripartitni
sporazum koji je, kako je izvestio Savez nezavisnih sindikata,
dobro funkcionisao u smislu pomoći u rešavanju sporova u
radu.
Radnici su organizovali štrajkove i proteste, čak i neke
masovne, koji su uglavnom bili usmereni protiv Vlade i preduzeća
u državnom vlasništvu, a ne na privatna preduzeća. Septembra
su prosvetni radnici na celom Kosovu organizovali štrajkove
u vreme početka školske godine. Savez nezavisnih sindikata
Kosova pozvao ih je da se ugledaju na njegov ogranak, Sindikat
nastavnika u osnovnim i srednjim školama na Kosovu, koji
ne štrajkuje; jedan drugi sindikat, SBASHK, podržao je te
štrajkove. U isto vreme kada su štrajkovali prosvetni radnici,
štrajkovalo je više od 700 rudara Trepče, koji su zahtevali
zaposlenje i penzije, kao i povratak ranijeg statusa i plaćanje
penzija koje im je dugovala Srbija. Štrajkovi su rešeni na
sastancima sa Vladom koja je pristala da zaposlenima u prosveti
i zdravstvu plate poveća za 20% odmah i za 5% početkom 2004,
dok je rudarima odobrila jednokratnu pomoć u ukupnom iznosu
od 187.500 dolara (150.000 evra) i prihvatila starosnu granicu
od 50 umesto 65 godina za penzionisanje. Bilo je još nekoliko
drugih štrajkova i protesta manjeg obima, kao što je bio
protest nekoliko stotina policajaca i zaposlenih u administraciji,
koji su uperiodu od 1987. do 1989. silom otpušteni.
Slobodne carinske zone ne postoje.
c. Zabrana prinudnog ili ropskog rada
Zakon zabranjuje prinudni ili ropski rad, uključujući decu;
međutim, bilo je izveštaja da se to dešavalo (videti Odeljak
6.d i f).
d. Rad dece i donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje
Radno zakonodavstvo do 1989. određivalo je kao minalne godine
za zapošljavanje 16 godina, odnosno 18 godina za svaki posao
koji bi mogao da ugrozi zdravlje, bezbednost ili moral mlade
osobe, ali je dozvoljavao da deca od 15 godina rade pod uslovom
da taj rad nije štetan za dete i da ne ometa pohađanje nastave.
U selima i poljoprivrednim zajednicama, mlađa deca su obično
radila, tj. pomagala porodicama. Deca po gradovima često
su radila niz nezvaničnih poslova, obično prala prozore automobila
ili prodavala novine, cigarete i kartice za mobilne telefone
na ulicama; a neka su radila i fizičke poslove, kao što su
utovar i istovar robe. Broj dece koja su radila na ulicama
naglo se povećao posle 1999, pošto su se seoske porodice
masovno preselile u gradove. Prema jednom istraživanju, gotovo
polovina dece koja su radila takve ulične poslove živela
je do sukoba 1999. godine u seoskim područjima, a jedna petina
je dolazila iz sela u grad da bi radila. Skoro 90 odsto ove
dece reklo je da ih je na taj rad naterala beda, a preko
80% izjavilo je da je radilo do devet sati dnevno, kako bi
izdržavalo nezaposlene roditelje, što ih je često sprečavalo
da pohađaju školu. Prema jednom izveštaju koji je u septembru
objavila NVO Stručni centar za ljudska prava i zakonsku inicijativu,
pre svega muška deca, uzrasta od 8 do 14 godina, radila su
na ulicama, ali su zabeležili da rade čak i deca od samo
6 godina. U zvaničnom centru nije bilo mogućnosti da se deca
zapošljavaju, a institucije nisu imale strategiju za rešavanje
ovog problema, ili kancelariju koja bi se bavila isključivo
pravima dece.
Izveštaji o poslastičarnicama su retki iako su neke privatne
fabrike radile u neadekvatnim uslovima. Mnoge porodice su
zavisile od onoga što deca zarade, obično tako što satima
prodaju cigarete ili namirnice na ulicama.
e. Prihvatljivi uslovi rada
Kosovski biro za statistiku procenjuje da stopa nezaposlenosti
iznosi 60%, a prosečna zarada zaposlenih sa punim radnim
vremenom nije bila dovoljna da obezbedi pristojan životni
standard radniku i njegovoj porodici. Zakon o radu predviđa
minimalnu platu, ali ne određuje njen nivo. Dok je plata
u javnom sektoru, koja se plaća iz konsolidovanog budžeta
Kosova, iznosila 189 dolara (151 evro), plate u privatnom
sektoru u proseku su iznosile 260 dolara (208 evra). U uslovima
visoke nezaposlenosti i nedovoljne zaposlenosti, poslodavci
nisu poštovali radnu nedelju od 40 sati. Noćni rad je mogao
da se plati kao prekovremeni, a zakoni su branili prekovremeni
rad koji je prevazilazio 20 sati nedeljno i 40 sati mesečno.
Dok su mnoge međunarodne agencije i nevladine organizacije
isplaćivale odgovarajuće plate, UNMIK je odlučio da plate
za sve poslove koji će vremenom potpasti pod nadležnost Vlade
Kosova moraju da se utvrde u skladu sa nivoom koji je raspoloživ
u okviru konsolidovanog budžeta, uprkos tome što su takve
plate bile jedva dovoljne za izdržavanje radnika i njihovih
porodica. Ova situacija podstakla je štrajkove prosvetnih
radnika u septembru i oktobru 2002.
Inspektori rada deluju počevši od kraja 2001, a Skupština
Kosova je izglasala Zakon o inspekciji rada u februaru, ali
je njegova primena otežana zbog toga što su zbog velike nezaposlenosti
poslodavci i radnici bili manje zainteresovani za uvođenje
utvrđenih standarda zaštite na radu. Ovaj zakon ne dozvoljava
zaposlenima da ne strahujući da će izgubiti posao odbiju
opasna radna mesta.
f. Trgovina ljudima
Propisi UNMIK-a posebno zabranjuju sve vidove trgovine ljudima;
međutim, trgovina ženama i decom ostaje ozbiljan problem.
Tokom godine, jedan pripadnik međunarodne policije je uhapšen
pod sumnjom da je učestvovao u delu koje se kvalifikuje kao
dečja prostitucija i držanje u ropstvu; međutim, nema dokaza
da su u trgovinu ljudima bili uključeni predstavnici vlasti.
Trgovina ljudima predstavlja krivično delo koje se kažnjava
sa 2-20 godina zatvora, u skladu sa propisima UNMIK-a koji
takođe predviđaju pružanje pomoći žrtvama. Klijent koji koristi
seksualne usluge žrtve trgovine ljudima može da bude osuđen
na kaznu zatvora u trajanju do pet godina, dok se seksualni
odnos sa maloletnom žrtvom trgovine ljudima smatra za krivično
delo za koje je predviđena zatvorska kazna u trajanju do
10 godina.
UNMIK je aktivno istražio slučajeve trgovine ljudima tokom
godine, a policija je skoro svake nedelje vršila racije u
nekoliko javnih kuća i noćnih lokala, Međutim, Jedinica za
istraživanje trgovine ljudima i prostituciju civilne policije
UNMIK-a obezbedila je koordiniranu akciju policije protiv
trgovine ljudima sprovodeći istrage i policijske operacije
usmerene protiv ove pojave, na primer, racije sumnjivih javnih
kuća, dok su lokalni pripadnici Kosovske policije obezbedili
najveći deo tajnih operacija. Od svog osnivanja 2000. godine,
Jedinica za istraživanje trgovine ljudima i prostitucije
sprovela je nekoliko hiljada operacija usmerenih protiv trgovine
ljudima, podigla 140 optužnica zbog trgovine ljudima, zatvorila
83 objekta i uspostavila banku podataka o 1.840 žena i 510
muškaraca za koje se sumnjalo da učestvuju u trgovini ljudima.
Tokom godine, Jedinica je sprovela 2.047 racija ili provera
i pružila pomoć za 70 žrtava trgovine ljudima. Na kraju godine,
na UNMIK-ovom spisku našlo se 200 zabranjenih lokala, od
kojih se 70% nalazilo u Prizrenu i Gnjilanu, u blizini granice
sa Makedonijom i Albanijom.
Prema podacima Jedinice, od 60 slučajeva u vezi s trgovinom
ljudima koji su tokom godine pokrenuti u sudu, 26 je još
trajalo. Što se tiče rešenih slučajeva, sud je doneo oslobađujuću
presudu u 18, a izrekao kaznu u 17 slučajeva, od kojih je
samo jedna bila maksimalna zatvorska kazna u trajanju od
5 godina, dok su sve ostale iznosile 3-6 meseci. Takođe je
bilo hapšenja zbog krivičnih dela povezanih sa trgovinom
ljudima, uključujući 33 za prostituciju, 19 za navođenje
na prostituciju, 11 za podvođenje i 6 za posedovanje lažnih
isprava. UNMIK-u nedostaju bilateralni sporazumi o ekstradiciji,
te stoga nije ostvarena saradnja sa drugim zemljama.
Značajan problem u borbi protiv trgovine ljudima predstavljao
je mali broj podignutih optužnica i izrečenih kazni, odnosno
blago kažnjavanje počinilaca; ovo je odvraćalo žrtve od saradnje.
Grupe koje se bave pravima žrtava često su uspevale da ubede
žrtve da se vrate svojim kućama ne čekajući da svedoče protiv
ilegalnih trgovaca, što je podrivalo efikasno gonjenje. Drugi
faktori koji su doprinosili malom broju krivičnih postupaka
uključivali su sve veću veštinu pripadnika organizovanog
kriminala u izbegavanju direktnog povezivanja sa žrtvama
i glavnim kriminalacima, nedostatak programa zaštite svedoka
i nedovoljnu stručnost sudskog osoblja.
Broj prijavljenih žrtava trgovine ljudima povećao se prošle
godine. Međutim, statistički podaci često su bili neprecizni
i nepouzdani, pošto su Centar za zaštitu žena i dece, Međunarodna
organizacija za migracije i Jedinica za istraživanje trgovine
ljudima i prostitucije različito su definisale trgovinu ljudima
i koristile neujednačene statističke analize, a dešavalo
se i da im se podaci poklapaju. Centar za zaštitu žena i
dece procenjuje da je reagovao na oko 180 slučajeva trgovine
ljudima tokom godine, od kojih je 80% internih. Međunarodna
organizacije za migracije pružila je pomoć za 58 žrtava,
uključujući 17 lokalnih. Jedinica za istraživanje trgovine
ljudima i prostitucije sarađivala je sa obema organizacijama,
kao i sa drugima, i zajedno sa njima pružila je pomoć za
70 lokalnih i stranih žrtava.
Kosovo je bilo izvor, tranzitno područje i destinacija žrtava
trgovine ljudima; interna trgovina ljudima takođe je bila
problem. Kao i prethodnih godina, ogromna većina žrtava trgovine
ljudima bile su žene i deca iz Istočne Evrope. Prema Međunarodnoj
organizaciji za migracije, preko 50% stranih žrtava na Kosovu
poticalo je iz Moldavije, 22% iz Rumunije, 13% iz Ukrajine,
a ostatak iz Bugarske, Albanije, Rusije i Srbije, dok je
samo manje od 5% poticalo sa Kosova. Dokazi ukazuju na to
da je trgovina često bila rezultat koordiniranih aktivnosti
srpskih i albanskih pripadnika organizovanog kriminala sa
Kosova, pri čemu je Srbija predstavljala posebno aktivnu
tranzitnu raskrsnicu za transfer žrtava trgovine iz Istočne
Evrope na Kosovo i dalje. Pedeset devet odsto žrtava ušlo
je na Kosovo iz Srbije, 21% iz Makedonije i 5% iz Albanije.
Moldavke se na Kosovo dovode i preko Austrije i Švajcarske.
Neke žene su bile sprovedene preko Kosova u Makedoniju, Albaniju,
Italiju i druge zapadnoevropske zemlje. Manje od polovine
žrtava putovalo je sa pasošima, a 70% ih je izjavilo da je
bar jednom ilegalno prešlo neku granicu.
Broj žrtava trgovine ljudima sa Kosova, kojima je Jedinica
za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima Međunarodne organizacije
za migracije pružila pomoć, stalno je rastao od 2000. godine,
dostigavši u proseku 3 slučaja mesečno. To se delimično može
pripisati boljem poznavanju problema, isto kao i većoj spremnosti
da se slučajevi prijave. Slučajevi lokalnih žrtava trgovine
ljudima, koje su dobile pomoć od Međunarodne organizacije
za migracije na Kosovu tokom poslednje dve godine, ukazuje
na veliki broj maloletnih žrtava (62 odsto), posebno među
devojčicama od 13-15 godina; najmlađa prijavljena žrtva imala
je 12 godina. Ukupan broj slučajeva sa maloletnim žrtvama
se povećava; posebnom riziku izložena su lokalna deca i devojčice
iz seoskih područja, isto kao i iz gradskih područja kojima
haraju siromaštvo, nezaposlenost i nepismenost (61%).
Na osnovu razgovora vođenih tokom poslednje tri godine sa
271 žrtvom trgovine ljudima, oko 80% klijenata žena koje
su bile prinuđene na prostituciju otpadalo je na lokalno
stanovništvo, a oko 20% bili su stranci; međutim, ne postoje
pouzdani brojevi u vezi sa ovim problemom. Prema Međunarodnoj
organizaciji za migracije, veliko prisustvo međunarodne zajednice
na Kosovu doprinelo je povećanju broja javnih kuća koje su
uključene u trgovinu ljudima; međutim, žene spašene iz javnih
kuća često su izjavljivale da su njihovi klijenti većinom
bili lokalni stanovnici. Iako je bilo slučajeva da su stranci
bili uključeni u trgovinu ljudima, njih je bilo malo; prisustvo
međunarodne zajednice podstaklo je trgovinu ljudima više
indirektno nego direktno, time što u privredu donosi novac
koji lokalno stanovništvo troši na prostituciju.
Najveći deo trgovine ljudima na Kosovu obavlja se u cilju
seksualne zloupotrebe, ali bilo je i žrtava koje su bile
naterane na prinudan rad. Oko 90% žrtava namamljeno je na
ilegalnu migraciju lažnim obećanjem zaposlenja, ili lažnim
pozivima iz inostranstva, dok je 9% bilo od samog početka
na to prinuđeno, ili oteto. U skladu s izveštajem Međunarodne
organizacije za migracije objavljenim u septembru, prethodno
zlostavljanje u porodici i finansijski problemi predstavljali
su najjače činioce prilikom odlučivanja potencijalnih žrtava
trgovine. Među žrtvama trgovine ljudima, 70% bilo je siromašno,
a preko 80% nije imalo završenu srednju školu. Žrtve su radile
u industriji seksa, pre svega u javnim kućama i noćnim lokalima,
a sve više i u privatnim stanovima. Manje od 5% prijavilo
je da je bilo svesno da će raditi u industriji seksa kada
je prihvatilo ponudu za posao. Metodi trgovine postaju sve
sofisticiraniji i složeniji. Žene su ređe držane silom ili
fizičkim pretnjama, a često su plaćane više po dolasku na
Kosovu nego što su mogle da zarade u zemljama iz kojih su
poticale. Prostitucija se više nije odvijala u barovima i
javnim kućama, već u posebnim objektima, kao što su privatni
stanovi. Mnoge žrtve trgovine ljudima bile su u mogućnosti
da zarade dovoljno novca - često oko 375-500 dolara (300-400
evra) mesečno - da šalju doznake porodicama u zemljama iz
kojih potiču. Mnoge žene koje su u početku bile žrtve trgovine
ljudima tvrdile su da su se dobrovoljno uključile u prostituciju
i odbijale su pomoć. U tim slučajevima policija bi ih ili
puštala, ili osuđivala minimalnim kaznama zbog bavljenja
prostitucijom.
Seksualna zloupotreba dece na komercijalnoj osnovi nije
bila raširen problem u prošlosti. Međutim, tokom godine je
bilo i slučajeva da su žrtve imale samo 12 godina. Policija
UNMIK-a je u Opštini Peć 9. jula uhapsila četvoricu osumnjičenih,
3 kosovska Albanca i jednog pripadnika međunarodnih policijskih
snaga, pod sumnjom da su bili uključeni u dečju prostituciju
i zaveru za nametanje ropskog rada. Jedan od kosovskih Albanaca
uključenih u ovaj slučaj izvršio je samoubistvo, a pripadnik
civilne policije je pušten da se brani sa slobode. Skoro
60% žrtava imalo je od 18 do 24 godine, a 12% osoba bilo
je maloletno. Tokom godine, Međunarodna organizacija za migracije
pomogla je jednom petnaestogodišnjem dečaku koga su ilegalni
trgovci sprovodili kroz Kosovo. Mada nije nikada došla u
dodir sa slučajevima trgovine decom radi uzimanja organa,
Međunarodna organizacija za migracije veruje da se to možda
dešavalo.
Žrtve trgovine ljudima izvestile su da su redovno bile izložene
fizičkom nasilju, silovanju, uskraćivanju mogućnosti da dobiju
zdravstvenu zaštitu i oduzimanju putnih i drugih identifikacionih
dokumenata. Žrtve se često zatiču u lošem zdravstvenom i
psihičkom stanju, dok se na čak 80% vide zdravstveni problemi
nastali usled seksualnog zlostavljanja. Žrtve su prijavile
da su fizički bile zloupotrebljavane u 78% slučajeva koje
je istražila Međunarodna organizacija za migracije.
Stranci za koje se utvrdi da koriste usluge prostitutki
ili da ulaze u lokale sa UNMIK-ovog spiska zabranjenih lokala,
vraćaju se u zemlju porekla. Nisu zabeležni slučajevi da
su stranci uhvaćeni u nagovaranju na prostituciju ili bavljenje
prostitucijom, ali nekolicina jeste bila otkrivena u sumnjivim
lokalima i vraćena kući, uključujući pet vojnika KFOR-a iz
Mitrovice, i jedan komandant civilne policije u Prištini,
koji je marta vraćen kući.
Nema dokaza o korupciji i podmićivanju prilikom sudskog
gonjenja trgovaca ljudima; mnogo značajniji problemi bili
su saradnja svedoka i pretnje svedocima. Neki lokalni tužioci
prijavili su slučajeve u kojima je isti advokat zastupao
ilegalnog trgovca ljudima i žrtvu. Veće sudija i tužilaca
Kosova, koje ispituje žalbe na lokalne sudije i tužioce,
pokrenulo je od 2000. godine 14 disciplinskih postupaka (ove
godine 5) uglavnom zbog kršenja etike i nesavesnog rada;
optužbe za korupciju nisu bile česte.
UNMIK i OEBS, ministri privremenih kosovskih institucija,
međunarodne organizacije i nevladine organizacije zajednički
su se borili protiv trgovine ljudima i pružali pomoć žrtvama.
UNMIK-ova Jedinica za zastupanje žrtava i pružanje pomoći
žrtvama, radila je sa žrtvama trgovine ljudima i drugih krivičnih
dela kako bi im pomogla u krivičnom postupku, a takođe je
koordinirala pomoć žrtvama. Žrtve trgovine ljudima koje su
prihvatale pomoć Jedinica za istraživanje trgovine ljudima
i prostitucije upućivala je preko regionalnih kancelarija
OEBS-a na jednu od dve organizacije. Strane žrtve su upućivane
na Međunarodnu organizaciju za migracije, koja drži prihvatilišta
preko NVO Ujedinjenog metodističkog odbora za pomoć (UMCOR).
Domaće žrtve upućivane su na Centar za zaštitu žena i dece,
koji drži jedno prihvatilište i pruža različite usluge žrtvama,
uključujući savetodavnu pomoć i obuku za rad. Postojala je
jedna privremena sigurna kuća otvorena za sve žrtve trgovine
ljudima i nasilja u porodici u periodu dok čekaju da svedoče
na sudu, ili razmatraju da li da potraže dodatnu pomoć.
Nekoliko međunarodnih agencija i nevladinih organizacija
pokrenulo je programe pomoći žrtvama trgovine ljudima koja
se sastoji od finansiranja povratka kući ili u zemlju porekla.
Iako nisu direktno obezbeđivali prihvatilišta za domaće žrtve,
UNMIK, OEBS i Međunarodna organizacija za migracije, u saradnji
sa međunarodnim nevladinim organizacijama, kao što su Ujedinjeni
metodistički odbor za pomoć (UMCOR ) i Centar za zaštitu
žena i dece, obezbeđivali su ovakve usluge. Pored toga, Centar
za zaštitu žena i dece sprovodio je u školama i zajednicama
programe upoznavanja sa problemom. Početkom januara, prostorije
ove organizacije su obijene, a kompjuteri sa poverljivim
informacijama ukradeni, što je moglo da dovede u opasnost
žrtve; ovo krivično delo nije bilo rešeno do kraja godine.
Zaštita žrtava trgovine ljudima znatno je napredovala poslednjih
godina. Zbog toga što zakon brani prostituciju kao i zbog
toga što su mnoge žene u zemlju dolazile bez dokumenata,
žrtve često ne prijavljuju svoje trgovce iz straha od hapšenja.
Međutim, propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju odbranu za žrtve trgovine
ljudima u slučaju krivične tužbe za prostituciju i ilegalan
ulazak u zemlju, dok zakon predviđa zabranu deportacije žrtava
trgovine ljudima zbog osude za prostituciju, ili ilegalan
ulazak u zemlju. UNMIK nije obezbedio nikakvu dozvolu boravka
za žrtve. Žrtve koje nisu prihvatile pomoć Međunarodne organizacije
za migracije, bile su puštane, ali ukoliko bi nastavile da
se bave prostitucijom, mogle su da budu ponovo uhapšene,
osuđene na kratku zatvorsku kaznu i deportovane.
Postignut je značajan napredak u pogledu širenja mišljenja
da žene koje su bile žrtve trgovine ljudima ne bi trebalo
da se gone zbog prostitucije, niti da se deportuju. Međutim,
nekoliko lokalnih sudija povremeno je pogrešno izricalo zatvorske
kazne žrtvama trgovine ljudima, suprotno zakonu koji za njih
predviđa izvestan imunitet. Sudije su izdavale naloge za
deportaciju nekih žena zbog toga što nisu imale odgovarajuće
dokumente.
Tokom godine, Međunarodna organizacija za migracije blisko
je sarađivala sa privremenim kosovskim institucijama, posebno
sa Kabinetom predsednika Vlade, ministrom za rad i socijalnu
politiku i ministrom zdravlja, kako bi bolje upoznala lokalno
stanovništvo sa pojavom trgovine ljudima, kao i da bi podstakla
uključivanje u borbu protiv ovog problema. Međunarodna organizacija
za migracije nudila je instruktorima uključenim u programe
razvoja vladavine prava obuku u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima.
Međunarodna organizacija za migracije nastavila je kampanju
upoznavanja sa ovim problemom, usmerenu na kosovske nevladine
organizacije koje se bave ljudskim pravima i ženskim pitanjima,
kao i javnu kampanju u cilju odvraćanja stanovnika Kosova
i međunarodnog osoblja od korišćenja komercijalnih seksualnih
usluga. Međunarodna organizacija za migracije objavila je
i izveštaj u vezi sa psihološkom podrškom i uslugama namenjenim
žrtvama trgovine ljudima.
Crna Gora
Crna Gora je bila konstitutivna republika Savezne Republike
Jugoslavije (SRJ) do februara kada se SRJ raspala, a Crna
Gora postala republika-članica državne zajednice Srbije i
Crne Gore (SCG). Kao i Srbija, Crna Gora ima predsednika
i parlamentarni sistem uprave. Filip Vujanovic je izabran
za predsednika na opštim izborima od 11. maja koji su ocenjeni
kao pošteni i slobodni. Političkom scenom Crne Gore dominiraju
dve glavne koalicije – jednu predvodi premijer Milo Đukanović
iz Demokratske partije socijalista (DPS), a drugu opozicioni
lider Predrag Bulatovic iz Socijalističke narodne stranke.
Crnogorska vlada je nastavila da radi uglavnom nezavisno
od Republike Srbije po gotovo svim pitanjima. Crna Gora ima
poseban carinski režim, svoju centralnu banku, dok je, umesto
jugoslovenskog dinara, valuta evro. Po ustavu sudstvo je
nezavisno, ali su sudovi često podložni političkom uticaju
i korupciji, te su i dalje neefikasni.
Republička policija, koja je u nadležnosti Ministarstva
unutrašnjih poslova (MUP), odgovorna je za unutrašnju bezbednost.
Crnogorska Služba državne bezbednosti (SDB), koja je takođe
deo MUP-a, ima ovlašćenje da prati građane. Jedan odred Vojske
Srbije i Crne Gore bio je stacioniran u Crnoj Gori i sarađivao
je sa crnogorskom policijom u hapšenju krijumčara. Dok su
civilne vlasti uglavnom održavale efikasnu kontrolu bezbednosnih
službi, bilo je slučajeva kada su pojedini delovi bezbednosnih
službi delovali nezavisno od državne vlasti. Neki pripadnici
snaga bezbednosti izvršili su zloupotrebu ljudskih prava.
Crna Gora ima oko 686.000 stanovnika, uključujući izbeglice
i raseljena lica sa Kosova. Privreda, zasnovana više na tržištu
nego na državnom vlasništvu, mešavina je poljoprivrede, industrije
i turizma. Realan rast bruto nacionalnog proizvoda za ovu
godinu je bio oko 2.5%, a godišnja inflacija oko 7.8%. Plate
nisu išle u korak sa inflacijom zbog sporog privrednog rasta.
Nizak prihod po glavi stanovnika i tolerancija korupcije
u kombinaciji sa visokim troškovima života stvorili su uslove
u za procvat kriminala.
Vlada je generalno poštovala ljudska prava građana, ali
je u nekim oblastima bilo problema. Policija je povremeno
batinala i zlostavljala građane, iako su grupe za ljudska
prava primetile da je bilo manje prijava za policijsko zlostavljanje
nego ranijih godina. Policija je samovoljno hapsila i pritvarala
građane. Nezavisnost medija je bila problem, ali je uticaj
Vlade na medije bio nešto manji nego prethodnih godina. I
državni i privatni mediji su povremeno davali iskrivljenu
sliku događaja što je posledica političkih pritisaka. Nasilje
u porodici i diskriminacija žena i dalje su bili problem.
Određena diskriminacija i dalje postoji, posebno u odnosu
na Rome. Trgovina ženama i decom radi seksualnog iskorišćavanja
i dalje predstavlja problem.
POŠTOVANJE LJUDSKIH PRAVA
Odeljak 1 Poštovanje integriteta ličnosti, koje ne dozvoljava:
a. Proizvoljno i nezakonito lišavanje života
Nema podataka da su država ili njeni organi proizvoljno
ili nezakonito oduzimali živote.
Nije bilo napretka u istragama o ubistvu Darka Raspopovića,
šefa antiteroristicke jedinice crnogorske policije, koje
se desilo 2001. godine, a ni u istrazi o atentatu koji je
izvršen 2000. godine na Gorana Žugića, savetnika crnogorskog
predsednika za bezbednost.
b. Nestanak lica
Nije prijavljen nijedan slučaj politički motivisanog nestanka.
c. Mučenje i drugi vidovi svirepog, nehumanog, ili ponižavajućeg
postupanja ili kažnjavanja
Zakon zabranjuje takvu praksu, međutim, policija povremeno
batina osumnjičene za vreme hapšenja ili dok su u pritvoru
radi ispitivanja.
Pet policijskih inspektora je 17. maja prijavljeno za fizičko
i verbalno maltretiranje Igora Zindovića u luci Bar. Prema
krivičnoj prijavi koju je podneo Centar za humanitarno pravo,
inspektori su Zindovića pritvorili i držali nekoliko dana.
Za to vreme, iznudili su mu priznanje za pljačku udarajući
ga u glavu, stomak i leđa i preteći da će ga ubiti a njegovo
telo baciti u more. Zindovića su doveli pred šefa policije,
koji mu je rekao da sve potpiše ili da će «biti umotan u
ribarsku mrežu i bačen u reku Bojanu». Zindović je odveden
u zatvor 20. maja, a sledećeg dana je istražnom sudiji rekao
da je njegovo priznanje iznuđeno. Zindović je pušten 10.
juna kada je tužilac obustavio postupak protiv njega.
Policijski inspektor Dobrašin Vulić i tri druga neidentifikovana
policajca su navodno 21. avgusta fizički zlostavljali Nikolu
Popovića. Prema podacima Centra za humanitarno pravo, koji
je podneo krivičnu prijavu u ovom slučaju, Popović je, saznavši
da mu je sin pritvoren, otišao u policijsku stanicu u Zabjelo
kod Podgorice. U stanici ga je udario neidentifikovani policajac,
dok ga je Vulić više puta udario nogom u nos i usta i pretio
da će ga tući gumenom palicom kad god ga vidi. Popovic je
u pritvoru bio tri dana. Krajem godine sudske vlasti ništa
nisu preduzele po prijavi Centra za humanitarno pravo, dok
je u toku istraga u vezi sa optužbom da je Popović napao
policajca koji je bio na dužnosti.
U oktobru je Centar za humanitarno pravo podneo krivičnu
prijavu protiv dva policajca za maltretiranje Izeta Koraća
iz Rožaja početkom meseca oktobra. Prema podacima Centra
za humanitarno pravo, Korać je u ovom incidentu zadobio lakše
telesne povrede. Krajem godine istraga je još uvek bila u
toku.
Tri policajca iz Bijelog Polja, Mevludin Hasanović, Vladimir
Šiljak i Ljubodrag Žugić, pretukli su 2002. godine studenta
Darka Kneževića i držali ga nekoliko sati bez lekarske pomoći.
U saglasnosti sa Odeljenjem MUP-a za unutrašnju kontrolu
i kontrolu legalne upotrebe službenog položaja, Hasanoviću
je izrečena novčana kazna u visini 50% plate u trajanju od
dva meseca, dok je za drugu dvojicu policajaca primenjena
ista novčana kazna u trajanju od tri meseca. Tri policajca
su takođe optužena za «maltretiranje dok su na dužnosti»,
a krajem godine suđenja su još bila u toku. Policija se istovremeno
složila da odustane od krivične prijave protiv Kneževića.
Tužilac iz Bašića je u decembru podigao optužnicu protiv
šest policajaca iz Berana za «prekoračenje ovlašćenja» zbog
njihove umešanosti u batinanje petorice muslimana u Petnjici
2002. godine. Žrtve su podnele privatnu tužbu smatrajući
da je optužnica previše blaga. Tužilac je takođe podigao
optužnicu protiv jednog od podnosilaca tužbe za «pretnju
opasnim oružjem za vreme tuče ili svađe».
Prema Odeljenju MUP-a za internu kontrolu i kontrolu legalne
upotrebe službenog položaja, policajci umešani u batinanje
dvojice interno raseljenih romskih dečaka, novčano su kažnjeni
iznosom u visini 30% jedne mesečne plate.
Opštinski sud u Pljevljima naredio je Republici Crnoj Gori
da plati 11,375 dolara (9.100 evra) Bojanu Tošiću kao nadoknadu
jer ga je policija 1999. nezakonito uhapsila i mučila; međutim,
do kraja godine nadoknada nije isplaćena. Krajem godine,
krivični postupak je bio u toku protiv policijskog inspektora
Željka Golubovića zbog podsticanja zlostavljanja Tošića da
bi se iznudilo priznanje da je Tošić podmetnuo eksploziv
pod automobil.
Uslovi u zatvorima generalno odgovaraju međunarodnim standardima,
mada neki problemi i dalje postoje. Zatvorski objekti su
zastareli i prenatrpani, a održavanje je loše. Žene su odvojene
od muškaraca. Zakon obavezuje da maloletnici budu odvojeni
od odraslih, a pritvoreni u istražnom zatvoru od osuđenih
kriminalaca; ali, ovo se u praksi ne poštuje uvek jer su
zatvori prenatrpani. Zbog neadekvatnog budžeta za zatvore,
zatvorenici su često morali da nabavljaju higijenske potrepštine
uz pomoć svojih porodica, mada su zatvori obezbeđivali osnovne
potrepštine za one koji ih inače nisu mogli nabaviti.
Vlada je dozvoljavala da posmatrači za ljudska prava posećuju
zatvore, uključujući Komitet Crvenog krsta i lokalne nevladine
organizacije. Ombudsman, koga je Parlament izabrao u oktobru,
imao je pravo da poseti pritvorenike i zatvorenike u bilo
koje vreme i bez prethodne najave. Nakon što je Kancelarija
ombudsmana počela sa radom 10. decembra, ombudsman je posetio
jednog pritvorenika i jednog zatvorenika.
d. Proizvoljno hapšenje, držanje u pritvoru, ili proterivanje
Zakon zabranjuje proizvoljno hapšenje i pritvaranje, ali
je policija povremeno vršila proizvoljna hapšenja i pritvaranja.
MUP kontroliše i državnu i graničnu policiju. Ove dve službe
su uglavnom bile efikasne u održavanju osnovnog reda i zakona;
međutim, efikasnost u borbi protiv organizovanog kriminala
je ograničena. Znatan procenat policijskih snaga su sačinjavali
bosanski muslimani, poznati kao Bošnjaci, od kojih su mnogi
razmešteni u Sandžaku, većinskom muslimanskom području na
severu. U toku godine, pogranična policija je od Vojske Srbije
i Crne Gore preuzela odgovornost za obezbeđivanje granica
Crne Gore. Država je vodila istragu o nekim slučajevima policijskog
zlostavljanja, ali su retki krivični postupci i presude protiv
policije. I kada su pokrenuti, krivični postupci protiv pripadnika
policije su često dugotrajni dok se presude svode samo na
kazne bez većeg značaja.
Niske plate i običaji iz vremena socijalizma doprineli su
da se stvori sredine koja toleriše korupciju; malo, tesno
povezano društvo ne podstiče prijavljivanje korupcije, a
kriminalcima omogućava kontakt sa policijskim službenicima.
Međutim, jak međunarodni i domaći pritisak doveo je do izvesnog
napretka.
Međunarodna zajednica je pružila važnu finansijsku i tehničku
pomoć da bi se unapredio kvalitet obuke i objekata za pograničnu
policiju, a posebno za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima. Pomoć
je pružena i za obuku policije za efikasniju borbu protiv
organizovanog kriminala.
Skupština je u decembru usvojila Zakon o krivičnom postupku;
očekivalo se da će ovaj zakon stupiti na snagu aprila 2004.
godine i da će nadmašiti sve prethodne zakone o krivičnom
postupku. Zakon definiše ovlašćenja policije u postupcima
koji prethode suđenju i dozvoljava uključivanje policije
u ove procese samo uz odobrenje sudije. Takođe sadrži nove
mere za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala i za zaštitu
svedoka u sudu. Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju
(OEBS) očekuje da Zakon poveća zaštitu ljudskih prava i sloboda
građana, te da da veću moć policiji, tužiocima i sudovima
u borbi protiv najtežih krivičnih dela.
Za hapšenje je potreban sudski nalog ili «osnovana sumnja
da je osumnjičeni izvršio prestup». Osumnjičeni može biti
pritvoren najviše 72 časa bez kontakta sa advokatom. Većina
zloupotreba se dešava upravo u toku ovog inicijalnog pritvora
(videti deo 1.c). Po novom Zakonu o krivičnom postupku, koji
treba da stupi na snagu u aprilu 2004. godine, osumnjičeni
može biti u pritvoru najviše 48 časova pre no što bude izveden
pred sudiju. Zakon ne propisuje obavezno prisustvo advokata
dok traje pritvor. Ne zahteva se prisustvo punoletnog lica
u toku policijskog ispitivanja osumnjičenog maloletnika;
ali, ako mu preti kazna zatvora od preko pet godina, advokat
mora biti prisutan. Ako se radi o krivičnom predmetu gde
se sudi za delo za koje je predviđena kazna veća od 5 godina
zatvora, advokat će biti dodeljen optuženom ukoliko sam optuženi
ne može da priušti advokata. Sistem kaucije postoji ali se
ne koristi tako često jer građani retko mogu da sakupe novac
za kauciju. Zatvorenici u istražnom zatvoru mogu primati
posete porodice i prijatelja, što je u oktobru potvrdio Ekspertski
odbor Evropske komisije za kriminal pregledom postupaka o
pritvoru u Crnoj Gori.
Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Crnoj Gori nije zabeležio
nijedan slučaj samovoljnog hapšenja ili pritvaranja u toku
godine. Bilo je nekih slučajeva hapšenja gde naknadna istraga
nije dovela do tužbe; ali, za razliku od prethodnih godina,
Helsinški odbor nije ustanovio političke, nacionalne ili
verske motive u ovim slučajevima. Helsinški odbor je smatrao
da policija ponekad hapsi bez dovoljno prethodno prikupljenih
dokaza i da neki policajci povremeno formulišu zapisnike
na takav način da izgleda kao da je preliminarna istraga
vođena iako to nije bio slučaj.
Zakon zabranjuje prisilno proterivanje što Vlada nije ni
činila.
e. Uskraćivanje pravičnog i javnog suđenja
Ustav predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim, tradicionalno
pomanjkanje saradnje između policije i tužilaca, veliki broj
nerešenih slučajeva, često slabo opremljene sudnice i korupcija
i dalje predstavljaju problem. Vlada je možda povremeno uticala
na tužioce iz političkih razloga. Iako su sudije slabo plaćene,
neki su dobili besplatne stanove, što je u izvesnoj meri
kompenzacija za niske plate. Nepodizanje optužnica u slučaju
trgovine ljudima u koji je umešan zamenik državnog tužioca
izazvalo je zabrinutost da je pravosuđe pod mogućim političkim
uticajem (videti deo 6.f).
Sudski sistem se sastoji od opštinskih, viših (ili okružnih)
i vrhovnih sudova na republičkom nivou.
U skladu sa Zakonom o sudovima iz 2002. godine, osnovan
je Sudski savet koji je počeo sa radom u toku godine. Predsednik
Vrhovnog suda predsedava Savetom, dok su drugi članovi sudije,
advokati i akademici; nisu uključeni članovi Izvršnog odeljenja.
Sudski savet bira i kontorliše sudije i upravlja sudskom
administracijom, kao što je pripremanje zahteva za budžet
za sudstvo. Zakon takođe propisuje da se slučajevi naizmenično
dodeljuju sudijama i diktira konstituisanje Apelacionog suda
i Administrativnog suda da bi se smanjio obim rada Vrhovnog
suda; međutim, ovi novi sudovi nisu konstituisani do kraja
godine usled nedostatka sredstava.
Zakon dozvoljava pravo na fer suđenje, pretpostavku o nevinosti,
pravo na advokata i pravo na žalbu.
Tokom godine u Crnoj Gori nije bilo suđenja za ratne zločine
mada su održane rasprave u predmetima za nadoknadu štete
nanete za vreme sukoba devedesetih godina.
Godine 2002. Okružni sud u Bijelom Polju je osudio Nebojšu
Ranisavljevića, bivšeg pripadnika paravojne jedinice «Osvetnici»,
na petnaest godina zatvora za ratne zločine počinjene u Srbiji
i Bosni za vreme rata u Bosni. Vrhovni sud je održao pretres
po žalbi Ranisavljevića, ali do kraja godine nije doneo presudu.
Porodice žrtava su podnele krivičnu tužbu tražeći da se istraga
o slučaju Ranisavljević proširi na još neke osobe, uključujući
Dobricu Ćosića i visoke službenike vlade iz perioda kada
su navodni zločini počinjeni. Porodice su takođe pokrenule
devetnaest parnica tražeći nadoknadu nematerijalne štete
(npr. bol i patnja) u sudovima u Crnoj Gori (Bar, Berane,
Bijelo Polje, Rožaje) i Srbiji (Prijepolje). Ovi predmeti
nisu bili rešeni do kraja godine. U februaru je Helsinški
komitet za ljudska prava zahtevao ispitivanje Dobrice Ćosića.
Nije bilo izveštaja o političkim zatvorenicima.
f. Proizvoljno ometanje privatnosti, porodice, doma ili
prepiske
Ustav zabranjuje ovakve radnje, ali zakon dozvoljava da
Služba državne bezbednosti prisluškuje građane bez sudskog
odobrenja. Neki posmatrači su smatrali da je policija selektivno
koristila uređaje za prisluškivanje i organizovala praćenje
opozicionih stranaka i drugih grupa. Mnogi pojedinci i organizacije
su pretpostavljali da jesu ili bi mogli biti pod prismotrom.
Građani su mogli pregledati svoja lična dosijea koja je
o njima vodila Služba državne bezbednosti od 1945. do 1989.
godine, ali nisu imali pristup podacima vođenim posle 1989.
Bilo je izveštaja da je članstvo u odgovarajućim političkim
strankama preduslov da se dobije posao ili napreduje u okviru
određenih delova državne uprave.
Deo 2 Poštovanje građanskih sloboda, kao što su:
a. Sloboda govora i štampe
Ustav i zakoni predviđaju slobodu govora i štampe, a Vlada
u praksi uglavnom poštuje ta prava; međutim, zvaničnici su
podneli tužbe ili pretili tužbama za klevetu kada su bili
optuženi za prestupe. Iako je bilo pokušaja udaljavanja od
državne kontrole medija, neki privatni mediji, kao što je
dnevni list «Publika», zadržali su čvrste veze sa Vladom.
Vlada je pokušala da se udalji od državnih medija, odnosno
približi verodostojnom javnom informisanju i privatizaciji.
Zakon o medijima propisuje pravne strukture koje treba da
izoluju državne medije od direktne stranačke kontrole, uključujući
i to da Savet radio-televizije od Vlade preuzme kontrolu
nad uređivačkom politikom radio i televizijskih stanica koje
verodostojno informišu javnost. Savet je formiran u toku
godine, a njegovi članovi su odabrani iz redova raznih nevladinih
organizacija i profesionalnih grupa; ali, neki posmatrači
su primetili da mnogi članovi Saveta imaju bliske veze sa
Vladom. Državni štampani mediji su bili predviđeni za privatizaciju
tako da nisu stavljeni u nadležnost Saveta. Uprkos obavezi
da prema zakonima o medijima iz 2002. godine privatizacija
bude izvršena do novembra, državni dnevni list «Pobjeda»
nije započeo proces do kraja godine. Samo dva od desetak
lokalnih državnih novina su započeli proces privatizacije
do kraja godine.
Štampani mediji su bili mešavina državnih i privatnih noivnskih
kuća, koji su objavljivali raznovrsne domaće i strane tekstove.
Lokalne radio i televizijske stanice redovno emituju programe
stanica kao što su beogradski B-92, hrvatska državna televizija,
italijanska televizija, BBC, Glas Amerike i Radio Slobodna
Evropa.
Za rad lokalnih radio i televizijskih stanica bila je potrebna
dozvola Vlade. Radio-difuzna agencija za regulativu osnovana
je u toku godine, ali nije počela da izdaje dozvole do kraja
godine. Informativna televizija YU-Info ne emituje više iz
vojnih baza u Republici; emitovanje je bilo u suprotnosti
sa zakonom. Srpska televizijska stanica TV Pink, veoma naklonjena
crnogorskoj Vladi, nastavila je da emituje svoj program u
Crnoj Gori na osnovu privremenih dozvola koje je u netransparentnom
postupku dobila od Agencije za telekomunikacije. Finansijski
i tehnički nadmoćniji TV Pink počeo je da istiskuje crnogorske
nezavisne stanice sa tržišta.
Mnogi privatni štampani mediji su izgubili garantovanu finansijsku
pomoć pristalica pa su za prihode morali da se oslone na
tiraž i reklame; to je povećalo konkurenciju i za posledicu
imalo zatvaranje dva dnevna lista. Nezvanični zahtev Vlade
da ministarstva daju svoje oglase, kao što su oglasi za radna
mesta u državnoj službi, u podržavnom listu «Publika» obezbedio
je dodatni prihod ovom dnevnom listu sa relativno malim tiražom.
Godine 2002. stranke koje su tada bile u opoziciji glasale
su u korist zakona o reformi medija što je na kraju dovelo
do ukidanja kompletnih prenosa skupštinskih sednica koje
je emitovala državna televizija. Međutim, kada je Savet RTV
Crne Gore naredio obustavljanje kompletnih prenosa, opozicija
je započela bojkot Skupštine, zalažući se da zbog državne
dominacije medijima građanima treba omogućiti da prate nemontirani
prenos skupštinskih sednica. Iako su Savet RTV i mnogi drugi
faktori ponudili razne kompromise koji bi obezbedili gotovo
kompletan prenos, bojkot je nastavljen do kraja godine.
Nije bilo objavljenih slučajeva direktne državne cenzure
državnih medija. Međutim, zvaničnici su nastavili da podnose
tužbe za klevetu protiv nekih listova, posebno protiv lista
«Dan», za relativno bezazlene napade. Strah da će biti tuženi
za klevetu, za šta je zaprećena kazna i do tri godine zatvora,
i dalje inhibira slobodno izražavanje u štampi. Međutim,
u decembru je Skupština usvojila novi krivični zakon koji
je eliminisao zatvorsku kaznu za klevetu (uključujući uvredu
i klevetu), uvodeći samo novčane kazne od 750 do 12.500 dolara
(600 to 10.000 evra). Septembra meseca, nakon što je «Dan»
štampao prikaz u kojem se tvrdi da je premijer Đukanović
koristio usluge krijumčarenih žena, premijer je podneo tužbu
za klevetu protiv glavnog urednika «Dana» i njegovog zamenika,
kao i protiv aktiviste nevladine organizacije, koji je napisao
članak; predmeti nisu stigli do suda do kraja godine. Uprkos
stalnoj opasnosti od tužbe za klevetu, uočljiv je mali porast
u spremnosti medija da kritikuju Vladu.
Novembra 2002. Viši sud u Podgorici je osudio bivšeg glavnog
urednika opozicionog lista «Dan», Vladimira Ašanina na 30
dana zatvora zbog klevetanja biznismena Stanka Subotića i
na tromesečnu kaznu zatvora zbog klevete tadašnjeg predsednika
Đukanovića nakon što je Ašanin ponovo objavio navod da su
Subotić i Đukanović umešani u krijumčarenje cigareta. Do
kraja godine Vlada nije zatvorila Ašanina ni po jednoj presudi;
Vrhovni sud je odbio njegovu žalbu u predmetu Subotić 13.
oktobra. Njegova žalba u predmetu Đukanović nije bila rešena
do kraja godine.
Vlada ne ograničava pristup internetu ni akademske slobode.
b. Sloboda mirnog okupljanja i udruživanja
Ustav predviđa slobodu okupljanja i udruživanja, i država
uglavnom poštuje ova prava u praksi.
c. Sloboda veroispovesti
Zakon predvi]a slobodu veroispovesti i Vlada uglavnom poštuje
ovo pravo u praksi. Ne postoji državna religija, iako Ustav
Crne Gore navodi Pravoslavnu crkvu, Islamsku versku zajednicu
i Rimokatoličku crkvu kao jednake i odvojene od države, dok
u praksi Srpska pravoslavna crkva u izvesnoj meri uživa povoljniji
položaj. Ministarstvo vera je ukinuto početkom godine.
Iako nije postojao formalni zahtev za registraciju verskih
grupa, verske zajednice se ipak morale da se registruju kao
grupe građana pri MUP-u Crne Gore kako bi dobile status pravnog
lica, neophodan zbog prometa nekretnina i drugih administrativnih
transakcija. Iako nije formalno registrovana, Srpska pravoslavna
crkva, odnosno Mitropolija crnogorsko-primorska uživa status
pravnog lica.
Organizacija za ljudska prava tvrdila je da je Vlada diskriminisala
pripadnika Jehovinih svedoka iz Berana koji je osuđen na
godinu dana zatvora zbog upotrebe falsifikovane novčanice.
Ovi aktivisti za ljudska prava doveli su u sumnju snagu dokaza
izvedenih u ovom postupku i primetili da je činjenica da
je optuženi Jehovin svedok bila unešena u sudsku odluku.
Napredak u vezi sa vraćanjem ranije oduzete crkvene imovine
nije primećen u toku godine. Vlada se suprotstavila odluci
Ministarstva odbrane Srbije i Crne Gore da prenese vojnu
imovinu u ruke Srpske pravoslavne crkve. Zvaničnici tvrde
da je prenos bio nezakonit pokušaj da se republička vlada
spreči da dobije ovu imovinu nakon raspada savezne države.
Religija i nacija su tesno povezane i u mnogim slučajevima
teško je odrediti da li su uzroci diskriminacije prvenstveno
verske ili prevashodno nacionalne prirode. Manjinske verske
zajednice su prijavile da se u izvesnoj meri nastavilo vandalsko
uništavanje crkvenih zgrada, groblja i drugih verskih objekata.
Katolička, muslimanska i pravoslavna zajednica koegzistiraju
u istim gradovima i često koriste iste opštinske prostore
za obavljanje verskih obreda. Tenzije su nastavljene između
kanonski nepriznate Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve i Srpske
pravoslavne crkve, ali su ove tenzije uglavnom političke
prirode. Prosrpske političke stranke snažno podržavaju nastojanja
da se Srpska pravoslavna crkva ustanovi kao državna religija,
dok stranke koje su za nezavisnost Crne Gore nastoje da se
prizna Crnogorska pravoslavna crkva. Dve crkve su nastavile
borbu za pristalice i sporove oko imovine, ali ovaj sukob
nije obeležen nasiljem što je bio slučaj prethodnih godina.
Za više informacija pogledati Međunarodni izveštaj o slobodi
veroispovesti za 2003. godinu.
d. Sloboda kretanja u zemlji, putovanja u inostranstvo,
iseljavanje i repatrijacija
Ustav predviđa ova prava, a Vlada ih u praksi uglavnom poštuje.
Registrovano je oko 18.019 interno raseljenih lica sa Kosova.
Većina interno raseljenih lica su etnički Crnogorci (5.816)
i Srbi (4.515), ali ima i Roma (3.118) i drugih. Veliki problem
je predstavljala deložacija Roma iz nelegalnih naselja, a
ponekad, i iz legalnog smeštaja. (videti deo 5).
Zakon dozvoljava davanje izbegličkog statusa osobama koje
spadaju u tu kategoriju po Konvenciji Ujedinjih nacija o
statusu izbeglica iz 1951. godine i Protokolu iz 1967. godine.
Ne postoji zakon koji reguliše pitanje azila. U praksi je
Vlada pružala izvesnu zaštitu protiv izručenja i davala izbeglički
status. Takvi slučajevi su za rešenje upućivani na Kancelariju
visokog komesara Ujedinjenih nacija za izbeglice (UNHCR)
u Beogradu. Izbeglice kod kojih je UNHCR utvrdio legitiman
strah od progona mogle su da se nasele na drugom mestu. Osobe
koje su ilegalno ušle u Crnu Goru pozivajući se na strah
od progona slate su u Beograd, gde su u zadržavane u posebnom
pritvoru do 3 nedelje. U ovim slučajevima je traženo od UNHCR-a
da utvrdi legitimnost tvrdnji o progonu.
Vlada je uglavnom sarađivala sa UNHCR-om i drugim humanitarnim
organizacijama za pomoć izbeglicama. Prema podacima UNHCR-a,
u Republici je bilo 13.299 izbeglica iz bivše Jugoslavije
(9.716 iz Bosne i Hercegovine, 3.560 iz Hrvatske). Putna
dokumenta su izdavana samo izbeglicama koje su trajno napuštale
zemlju. Uslovi za izbeglice su se menjali; oni koji su imali
rođake ili imovinu u zemlji mogli su da nađu smeštaj, a u
nekim slučajevima i zaposlenje. Mnoge romske izbeglice su
živele u kolektivnim centrima gde su imali ograničen pristup
zdravstvenoj zaštiti i školovanju. Jedan od glavnih problema
romske dece je što ne govore srpski jezik; albanski je prvi
jezik za većinu Roma u Crnoj Gori, posebno za interno raseljena
lica.
Zakon o zapošljavanju iz 2002. godine tretirao je izbeglice
kao ekonomske migrante i lišavao ih prava da se registruju
u Zavodu za zapošljavanje Crne Gore, što je pravo koje nisu
imala interno raseljena lica. Ukaz o zapošljavanju nerezidentnih
fizičkih lica od 5. maja je osmišljen kako bi ograničavao
ekonomske migracije; međutim, dnevna dažbina u iznosu od
3.13 dolara (2.5 evra) koja je nametnuta pri zapošljavanju
nerezidenata takođe se primenjuje i na izbeglice i na interno
raseljena lica što poskupljuje njihov rad u poređenju sa
cenom istog rada kada ga obavljaju crnogorski državljani.
Odeljak 3 Poštovanje političkih prava i prava građana da
promene vlasti
Ustav obezbeđuje građanima pravo da mirnim putem menjaju
vlast, i građani su ovo pravo koristili u praksi putem periodičnih,
slobodnih i poštenih izbora održanih na osnovu opšteg prava
glasa.
Predsednički izbori u februaru nisu uspeli zbog slabog odziva
birača (46.1%) i bojkota vodećih opozicionih stranaka. Skupština
je onda ukinula cenzus (50% plus 1 registrovani birač), te
je vršilac dužnosti predsednika Filip Vujanović izabran 11.
maja dobivši 65% glasova na slobodnim i poštenih izborima
gde je odziv biračkog tela iznosio 48.3%.
Na izborima u oktobru 2002. godine, koalicija predsednika
Đukanovića, Demokratska lista za evropsku Crnu Goru, dobila
je većinu u Skupštini sa 39 od ukupno 75 skupštinskih mandata.
Nakon ostavke na mesto predsednika krajem 2002. godine, Đukanović
je konstituisao Vladu 8. januara i postavljen je na mesto
premijera. Đukanović je na vlasti u svojstvu predsednika
ili premijera skoro sve vreme za poslednjih 12 godina.
Hrvatska građanska inicijativa, politička stranka hrvatske
manjine, osvojila je 2002. godine četiri mandata u Skupštini
opštine Tivat. Prema izveštaju Ministarstva za zaštitu prava
manjina i etničkih grupa, nije bilo Roma u državnoj upravi,
a svega 0.15% Roma zaposleno je u lokalnim upravama.
Nije bilo pravnih ograničenja za učešće žena u državnoj
upravi, a veliki broj žena je glasao. Osam žena je u zakonodavnom
telu koje ima 75 mandata, a dve žene su bile članovi vlade
(ministri za kulturu i ekonomske odnose sa inostranstvom).
Sudija Vesna Medenica postavljena je za državnog tužioca
kad je njen prethodnik podneo ostavku pod pritiskom optužbi
za korupciju i moguću umešanost u slučaju trgovine ljudima
koji je imao veliki publicitet. Krajem godine od 21 opštine
u Crnoj Gori u jednoj je gradonačelnik bila žena. (Dve žene
su podnele ostavke na mesto gradonačelnika tokom godine.)
Nije bilo zakonskih ograničenja za političko učešće etničkih
manjina, iako su etnički Crnogorci i Srbi dominirali u republičkom
političkom rukovodstvu. U Parlamentu koji ima 75 mandata
zastupljeno je 11 nacionalnih manjina, dok ih je tri bilo
u Vladi. Etnički Albanci i Bošnjaci su učestvovali u političkom
procesu, a njihove stranke, kandidati i glasači uzeli su
učešća u svim izborima. Četiri skupštinska mandata su dodeljena
etničkim Albancima, od čega su dva mandata dobili pripadnici
albanskih stranaka, a druga dva - članovi Demokratske partije
socijalista koju predvodi predsednik Đukanović.
Odeljak 4 Stav Vlade prema istragama o navodnom kršenju
ljudskih prava koje su sporovodile međunarodne i nevladine
organizacije
Veliki broj domaćih i međunarodnih grupa za zaštitu ljudskih
prava uglavnom je radio bez ograničenja, a zvaničnici su
u izvesnoj meri sarađivali i reagovali na njihove stavove.
Značajan broj nevladinih organizacija se bavio istragama
i objavljivanjem svojih izveštaja o stanju ljudskih prava;
ovde su bili uključeni Fond za humanitarno pravo, Helsinški
odbor za ljudska prava u Crnoj Gori i Centar za demokratiju
i ljudska prava. Nevladine organizacije su doprinele ostvarivanju
opšteg smanjenja policijske brutalnosti i drugih zloupotreba.
Postojao je odbor za ljudska prava u Parlamentu, ali su
u decembru Fond za humanitarno pravo i Helsinški odbor u
Crnoj Gori izjavili da ovaj odbor nije aktivan.
Vlada je sarađivala sa Međunarodnim krivičnim sudom za bivšu
Jugoslaviju dozvoljavajući pristup svedocima i reagujući
brzo na izveštaje da se optuženi nalaze na teritoriji Crne
Gore. Premijer Đukanović je u septembru odbio zahtev tužioca
Međunarodnog suda da svedoči u suđenju protiv Slobodana Miloševića.
U julu je Parlament usvojio Zakon o zaštitniku ljudskih
prava i sloboda (Zakon o ombudsmanu). U oktobru je Parlament
izabrao bivšeg sudiju Ustavnog suda Šefka Crnovršanina za
prvog ombudsmana, čija je kancelarija radila do kraja godine.
Prema Zakonu, ombudsman štiti ljudska prava i slobode garantovane
ustavom, zakonima, ratifikovanim međunarodnim sporazumima
o ljudskim pravima i opšteprihvaćenim principima međunarodnog
prava, kada su ova prava narušena postupcima ili propustima
državnih organa, lokalnih uprava ili javnih službi. Ombudsman
nije odgovoran za rad sudova osim u slučajevima produženih
postupaka i neizvršavanja sudskih odluka. Bilo ko se može
obratiti ombudsmanu, a postupak je besplatan. Ukoliko ombudsman
utvrdi kršenje ljudskih prava ili sloboda, može pokrenuti
disciplinski postupak ili otpuštanje prekršioca. Ukoliko
se odbije zahtev ombudsmana da ima pristup službenim podacima,
dokumentima ili prostorijama, ili zahtev ombudsmana da svedoči
na suđenju, takav postupak se novčano kažnjava u iznosu od
10 do 20 minimalnih ličnih dohodaka. Ombudsman mora dostaviti
parlamentu godišnji izveštaj koji je javni dokument.
Deo 5 Diskriminacija na osnovu rasne pripadnosti, pola,
umanjenih sposobnosti, jezika i društvenog položaja
Zakon predvidja jednaka prava za sve građane bez obzira
na etničku pripadnost, socijalni status ili pol; međutim,
u praksi Vlada je pružala neznatnu zaštitu od diskriminacije.
Žene
Visok nivo nasilja u porodici se i dalje zadržao, posebno
u seoskim područjima. Mali broj državnih organa za borbu
protiv nasilja u porodici nije raspolagalo odgovarajućim
sredstvima, a društveni pritisak za održanje celovitosti
porodice ih je ograničavao u radu. Vlada je 2002. u krivične
zakone uvela odredbe koje se odnose na nasilje u porodici.
Propisane kazne su: za osiono ponašanje koje ugrožava mir,
fizički integritet ili mentalno stanje člana porodice – novčana
kazna ili kazna zatvora do godinu dana; za upotrebu opasnog
oružja – 3 meseca do 5 godina zatvora; za narušavanje zdravlja
ili posledice teških povreda nanetih maloletnom licu - 1
do 5 godina zatvora; u slučaju smrtnog ishoda - 3 do 12 godina
zatvora. Žrtve nasilja u porodici retko podnose prijave vlastima.
Prema izveštaju nevladine organizacije iz Podgorice, SOS
telefon za žene i decu žrtve nasilja (SOS telefon), samo
30% žrtava je policiji prijavilo slučajeve nasilja u porodici.
U dva okruga za koje je SOS telefon imao statističke podatke,
policiji je podneto oko 180 krivičnih prijava za nasilje
u porodici, od čega je policija 85 prijava prosledila tužiocima.
U ostalim slučajevima policija je obično izdavala upozorenje.
Sudstvo je procesovalo veliki broj predmeta koji se odnose
na nasilje u porodici, ali nevladine organizacije su izvestile
da sudovi nisi bili dovoljno aktivni u ovakvim predmetima
jer ne postoji razumevanje za ovo pitanje. Stariji učenici
Srednje škole MUP-a u Danilovgradu su obučeni za rad na nasilju
u porodici.
Kazna za silovanje supružnika je od jedne do deset godina
zatvora; međutim, za ovo delo se može suditi samo ukoliko
žrtva podnese krivičnu prijavu. Prema podacima koje ima SOS
telefon, iako su skoro jedna četvrtina udatih žena žrtve
silovanja supružnika, nijedna prijava nije bila podneta u
toku godine.
Kazna za silovanje je 1 do 10 godina zatvora. Prema podacima
Crnogorskog ženskog lobija, žrtve retko podnose krivične
prijave za silovanje. Od dve žene kojima je u toku godine
Lobi pomogao da podnesu krivične prijave protiv navodnih
izvršilaca silovanja, nijedna nije tražila sudski postupak.
Trgovina ženama radi prostitucije je bila problem (videti
deo 6.f). Usled nedostatka žena policajaca u policijskim
stanicama, odlagano je pokretanje istrage u slučajevima silovanja,
nasilja i drugih krivičnih dela nad ženama.
Seksualno uznemiravanje je bilo problem. Žene ne uživaju
isti status kao muškarci, i malo je žena na visokim položajima
u državnoj upravi ili privredi; ali je porastao broj žena
sudija, a mnoge žene rade u profesijama kao što su pravo,
nauka i medicina. Po zakonu žene su imale pravo na jednaku
zaradu ako obavljaju isti posao kao muškarci, ali se to u
praksi nije ostvarilo. Ženama je dozvoljeno porodiljsko odsustvo
u trajanju od 12 do 18 meseci.
Zbog tradicionalnih patrijarhalnih ideja o ulozi polova,
prema kojima žena treba da bude podređena muškim članovima
porodice, žene su i dalje izložene diskriminaciji u kući.
U seoskim područjima, posebno u manjinskim zajednicama, žene
nisu mogle uvek da ostvare svoja imovinska prava, a neposredan
uticaj muža uobičajen je pri glasanju. Bilo je razvoda, iako
retko. Žene su aktivne u organizacijama za ljudska prava.
Deca
Vlada je pokušavala da zadovolji potrebe dece u pogledu
obrazovanja i zdravstvene zaštite, ali nedovoljna sredstva
su sprečila ispunjenje ovog cilja. Obrazovni sistem propisuje
obavezno osmogodišnje školovanje. Iako su deca etničkih Albanaca
imala pristup školovanju na svom maternjem jeziku, neki Albanci
su kritikovali Vladu da ne razvija nastavni program po kojem
bi Albanci mogli da uče o svojoj nacionalnoj kulturi i istoriji.
Većina romske dece nije nastavila da se školuje nakon osnovne
škole.
Bilo je izveštaja da je zlostavljanje dece bilo problem,
iako nije postojao društveni obrazac za takvo zlostavljanje.
Zakon ne dozvoljava da maloletnik daje izjave o krivičnom
delu bez prisustva roditelja ili staratelja; shodno tome,
nije bilo gotovo nikakvih izveštaja o zlostavljanju dece
ili incestu.
Trgovina devojčicama radi prostitucije je bila problem (vidite
deo 6.f).
Osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima
Zakon zabranjuje diskriminaciju osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima
prilikom zapošljavanja, obrazovanja ili obezbeđenja drugih
vrsta usluga koje pruža država. Zakon propisuje pristup novim
službenim zgradama, a Vlada ove odredbe sprovodi u praksi;
međutim, objekti za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima nisu
bili odgovarajući, uključujući i biračka mesta. Pokretna
glasačka mesta su postojala za hendikepirane ili bolesne
birače koji nisu mogli da dođu na biračka mesta. Bilo je
društvene diskriminacije prema osobama sa umanjenim sposobnostima.
Nacionalne/rasne/etničke manjine
Nastavljena je društvena diskriminacija etničkih manjina.
Iako nije postojala zvanično osuđena diskriminacija romske
populacije, predrasude prema njima su široko rasprostranjene.
Lokalne vlasti su često ignorisale ili prećutno opraštale
društveno zastrašivanje ili loše postupanje prema Romima,
od kojih su mnogi interno raseljena lica sa Kosova. Fond
za humanitarno pravo je prijavio da je Romkinja Radmila Selimovic
bila otpuštena iz bolnice nakon saobraćajne nezgode 16. jula,
kada ju je vozač udario i pobegao sa lica mesta, a da nije
obezbeđeno naknadno lečenje uprkos teškim povredama koje
je zadobila, uključujući polomljenu karlicu zbog čega nije
mogla da hoda. Do kraja godine policija nije uzela izjavu
od nje. Dana 19. juna crnogorska Vlada je pristala da plati
1.231.250 dolara (985.000 evra) za 74 Roma čiji je kvart
1995. uništila rulja - dok je policija stajala po strani
– a nakon što su navodno dva romska mladića silovali neromsku
devojčicu.
Interno raseljeni Romi, koji su uglavnom živeli u kolektivnim
centrima i raštrkanim naseljima po celoj zemlji, često nisu
imali lična dokumenta kao ni pristup osnovnim službama (videti
deo 2.d). Deložacija iz nelegalnih naselja, a ponekad i iz
legalnog smeštaja, bila je ozbiljan problem.
Centar za humanitarno pravo obavestio je da je lokalno stanovištvo
izvršilo pritisak na tri romske porodice da se isele iz Nikšića
i organizovalo proteste protiv Roma ispred Skupštine grada.
Kao odgovor na ovo, policija je pružila jače obezbeđenje
ovim romskim porodicama.
Neki Bošnjaci su se žalili da je podela sandžačkog regiona
između Srbije i Crne Gore stvorila određene probleme za stanovnike.
Većina crnogorskih Bošnjaka je podržala Đukanovićevu Vladu
i integrisala se u nacionalne političke stranke (videti deo
3).
Deo 6 Prava radnika
a. Pravo na udruživanje
Zakon predviđa pravo na udruživanje svim radnicima; međutim,
vojnim licima nije dozvoljeno formiranje sindikata. Većina,
ako ne i svi radnici u zvaničnoj privredi bili su organizovani.
Postoje i zvanični sindikati, povezani sa državom, i nezavisni
sindikati. Pošto je nezavisni radnički pokret uglavnom rascepkan,
poboljšanje uslova rada i povećanja plata su neznatni. Opšti
nedostatak sredstava u privredi takođe je predstavljao ograničenje.
Ustav, zakoni i Opšti kolektivni ugovor zabranjuju diskriminaciju
sindikata. Diskriminacija sindikata uopšte uzev nije bila
problem, iako je diskriminacije bilo pri prinudnom premeštanju
radnika na slabije plaćene poslove. Sindikati su se mogli
udruživati sa međunarodnim radničkim organizacijama, ali
je pristup međunarodnim radničkim sindikatima bio ograničen.
b. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje
Zakon propisuje pravo na kolektivno pregovaranje, ali je
ono i dalje u samom začetku. Umesto da se radi na poboljšanju
zajedničkih potreba svih radnika, pregovaranja su uglavnom
usmerena na određene potrebe pojedinačnih grupa. Visoka stopa
nezaposlenosti ograničila je pregovaračku moć sindikata i
spremnost za preduzimanje akcije.
Zakonom je štrajk zabranjen samo za vojsku i policiju. Štrajkovi
su bili česti tokom godine, a uglavnom su organizovani zbog
ekonomske situacije, neisplaćenih plata, navodnih manipulacija
i prevara u procesu privatizacije i nepoštovanja sindikalnih
prava. Štrajk prosvetnih radnika ove godine trajao je skoro
11 meseci. Takođe je bilo štrajkova transportnih, hotelskih
i turističkih preduzeća, fabrika za preradu drveta, fabrike
kućnih aparata i preduzeća za građevinsku opremu – što su
sve državne firme.
Slobodne carinske zone ne postoje.
c. Zabrana prinudnog ili ropskog rada
Zakon zabranjuje prinudni i ropski rad, uključujući i rad
dece, ali je bilo izveštaja da je takvih slučajeva bilo u
praksi. (vidi Odeljak 6.d. i 6.f).
d. Rad dece i donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje
Zvanična donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje je 15 godina,
iako je u poljoprivrednim zajednicama uobičajeno da i mlađa
deca pomažu svojim porodicama. Deca takođe rade na raznim
neprijavljenim poslovima, a obično su to pranje automobilskih
prozora ili prodaja novina. S obzirom na visoku stopu nezaposlenosti,
u formalnom sektoru radi mali broj dece.
Neka deca su radila «na crno» između dobrovoljnog i prisilnog
rada; međutim, nije bilo izveštaja da je u pitanju sistematska
pojava.
e. Prihvatljivi uslovi rada
Minimalna zarada je 62,50 dolara (50 evra) mesečno, i velika
državna preduzeća, uključujući glavne banke i industrijske
i trgovačke firme, uglavnom poštuju ovu zaradu. Minimalna
zarada je na nivou beneficija za nezaposlene ili zarada koje
dobijaju radnici na prinudnom odsustvu. Prosečna mesečna
bruto zarada u 2002. godini je iznosila 231 dolar (185 evra),
što znači da je prosečna mesečna zarada kojom radnik raspolaže
(nakon što se odbiju doprinosi i porezi) oko 106 dolara (85
evra); ovaj iznos nije bio dovoljan za pristojan život radnika
i porodice. Rast cena je bio brži od rasta zarada, a inflacija
je u oktobru bila 6.7%. Najnoviji podaci navode da domaćinstvo
troši gotovo sva sredstva na osnovne potrebe kao što su hrana,
odeća i troškovi stanovanja.
Zvanična radna nedelja traje 40 časova, a prekovremeni rad
je propisan Opštim kolektivnim ugovorom. Vlada nije dala
prioritet primeni ustanovljene zaštite na radu i zdravstvenih
propisa. S obzirom na konkurenciju pri zapošljavanju, radnici
nisu bili slobodni da u slučaju opasnosti napuste radno mesto,
a da ne rizikuju gubitak posla.
f. Trgovina ljudima
Zakon zabranjuje trgovinu ljudima, ali je to i dalje bio
ozbiljan problem. Bilo je izveštaja da su policija i drugi
zvaničnici umešani u trgovinu ljudima.
Krivični zakon propisuje kaznu do 8 godina zatvora za trgovinu
ljudima i do 10 godina zatvora ako je u pitanju trgovina
osobama do 14 godina starosti. Krivični zakon, koji treba
da stupi na snagu u aprilu 2004. godine, propisuje kaznu
do 10 godina zatvora za svaku vrstu trgovine ljudima. Samo
su tri slučaja za koja su podnete nove prijave za trgovinu
ljudima stigla do sudskog procesa, a samo u jednom je izrečena
presuda. Nevladine organizacije i međunarodne organizacije
su izrazile sumnju da mali broj hapšenja nije u potpunosti
odslikavao problem trgovine ljudima.
Kontroverzni slučaj koji je uključivao silovanje i mučenje
Moldavke, poznate pod inicijalima S.Č. pojavio se kada su
vlasti uhapsile zamenika crnogorskog državnog tužioca Zorana
Piperovića u novembru 2002. godine. Državni službenici su
optuženi da su direktno umešani u kupovinu, prodaju, silovanje
i mučenje S.Č. Piperović i dve druge osumnjičene osobe optuženi
su za posredovanje u prostituciji, a četvrta osoba je optužena
za trgovinu ljudima i posredovanje u prostituciji. Nakon
što je Ana Vuković, istražni sudija Opštinskog suda u Podgorici
kojoj je slučaj dodeljen, sprovela četvoromesečnu istragu,
uključujući razgovore sa pedesetak svedoka, preporučila je
da se optužnice podignu protiv sve četiri osobe. Nakon što
je pregledao izveštaj Vukovićeve, podgorički tužilac Zoran
Radonjić je 2. juna odbacio optužbe protiv svih osumnjičenih,
navodeći da nema dovoljno dokaza. Sudija Vuković je kritikovala
Radonjićevu odluku, javno izjavivši da veruje da je njena
istraga pružila dovoljno dokaza da se Piperović i drugi osumnjičeni
optuže (videti deo 1.e). Strane vlade, Evropska unija i OEBS
su veoma kritikovali odluku da se po ovom predmetu ne sudi.
S.Č., koja je živela u inostranstvu, odlučila je da ne nastavlja
slučaj dalje kroz postupak po privatnoj tužbi i sudija Vuković
je zvanično zatvorila slučaj 2. septembra, napominjući da
može ponovo da se otvori ukoliko se dokazi pojave. U novembru
je sudija Vuković tvrdila da je prisluškivana i praćena;
SDB i policija su negirali optužbe. Krajem godine državni
tužilac Vesna Medenica je istraživala navode Vukovićeve.
U julu, na poziv crnogorske Vlade, Savet Evrope i OEBS su
sproveli zajedničku istragu o vođenju slučaja S.Č. i dali
kopiju svog izveštaja i preporuke Vladi krajem septembra.
Vlada je odgovorila 20. oktobra, a i izveštaj i odgovor su
objavljeni krajem godine.
Vlada i vladajuća stranka (DPS) su osudili slučaj, a krajem
januara, kada je premijer Đukanović formirao novu vladu,
nije obnovio mandat tadašnjeg ministra unutrašnjih poslova
Andrije Jovićevića. Ovaj potez je protumačen kao osveta za
to što je Jovićević odobrio Piperovićevo hapšenje. Potezi
Vlade, kao što je raspuštanje specijalne policijske jedinice
za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima, koja je uhapsila Piperovića
i druge osumnjičene, i prebacivanje policijskog načelnika
za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima u novo odeljenje, stvorili
su zabrinutost u pogledu odlučnosti vlade u borbi protiv
trgovine ljudima. Međutim, Vlada jeste otpustila zamenika
državnog tužioca Zorana Piperovića, njegovog šefa, državnog
tužioca Božidara Vukčevića i podgoričkog tužioca Zorana Radonjića.
Od 2001. godine, nacionalni koordinator koga je imenovao
MUP predsedava radnom grupom za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima
koju čine relevantna ministarstva, socijalne službe, OEBS,
Međunarodna organizacija za migracije i nevladine organizacije.
Do pojave slučaja Piperović, saradnja između članova odbora
je bila dobra; međutim, izgleda da je skandal naneo štetu
poverenju koje je vladalo u grupi, a saradnja je navodno
dovedena do mrtve tačke. Jedan izvor tenzije je bila poznata
činjenica da je koordinator bilzak prijatelj sa optuženim.
Radna grupa za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima se sastala nekoliko
puta u drugoj polovini godine da bi razvila strategiju za
borbu protiv trgovine ljudima. Vlada je u novembru odobrila
strategiju i ustanovila novu ministarsku radnu grupu koja
je zadužena za nadzor sprovođenja strategije; ova grupa je
počela sa radom u decembru.
Raspoloživi podaci navode da je Crna Gora za krijumčarene
žene i decu ostala uglavnom tranzitna tačka, a u manjoj meri
i konačno odredište. Prema podacima nevladinih organizacija,
žrtve su verovatno poreklom iz Rumunije, Ukrajine, Moldavije,
Bugarske i Rusije, često su prolazile kroz Beograd na putu
ka Kosovu ili Albaniji, odakle su nastavljale put u Italiju
i druge zapadnevropske zemlje. Trgovina ljudima je u stabilnom
porastu od 1999. godine; međutim, pad aktivnosti se od januara
primećuje u izveštajima o krijumčarenim osobama koje dobijaju
nevladine organizacije i međunarodne organizacije kao što
je Međunarodna organizacija za migracije. Podgoričko sklonište
«Sigurna ženska kuća» prihvatila je oko 49 žena od svog otvaranja
2001. do kraja 2002. godine; međutim, u prvih devet meseci
ove godine, prihvatila je svega devet žena. Preciznih podataka
o broju žena i dece koji su obuhvaćeni trgovinom, a koji
su prošli kroz Crnu Goru nije bilo.
Informacije o najnovijim metodama regrutovanja i namamljivanja
žena nisu bile odmah dostupne; međutim, nevladine organizacije
su izvestile da su se, kao i ranije, žrtve često javljale
na oglase za posao u inostranstvu u svojstvu lica koja čuvaju
decu, frizerki, kućnih pomoćnica, kelnerica, manekenki ili
igračica. Prema Međunarodnoj helsinškoj federaciji, iako
su neke žene bile svesne da će biti angažovane za prostituciju,
često nisu bile svesne ropskih uslova koji ih očekuju. Mnoge
žene su preprodavane više puta u različitim zemljama i različitim
vlasnicima noćnih klubova. Često su im oduzimali pasoše.
Krijumčari su ih često silovali i tukli. Postojale su optužbe
da su neke osobe iz redova vlasti bile podmićene i tako umešane
u trgovinu ljudima, iako je Vlada negirala takve optužbe.
Izgleda da su slučaj S.Č. koji je dobio veliki publicitet,
i policijske racije u noćnim klubovima i bordelima primorali
ovu industriju na veću diskreciju. Ženske organizacije su
prijavile da manji broj krijumčarenih žena traži pomoć, što
pripisuju premeštanju žena iz barova i noćnih klubova u bordele
u privatnim stanovima, gde imaju manje mogućnosti da pobegnu
ili da budu otkrivene.
Protokol koji su potpisali MUP i dve negladine organizacije
2002. godine pruža postupak za zaštitu žrtava trgovine ljudima
po kojem ih odvaja od prostitutki i ilegalnih migranata,
kao i postupak za upućivanje žrtava odgovarajućim socijalnim
službama; međutim, prema lokalnim nevladinim organizacijama,
policijski organi su nastavili da pogrešno postupaju u nekim
slučajevima gde postoje potencijalne žrtve. U februaru su
vlasti prebacile jednu Rumunku nađenu u Baru u pritvor u
Beogradu. Kasnije je ustanovljeno da je žrtva trgovine ljudima
i prebačena je u sklonište u Beogradu. Država repatrira žrtve;
veliki broj međunarodnih donatora finansira repatrijaciju
preko Međunarodne organizacije za migracije.
Međunarodne organizacije sponzorišu obuku policije za postupke
u slučajevima trgovine ljudima. Lokalne nevladine organizacije,
uz pomoć sredstava koja su obezbedili međunarodni donatori,
otvorili su sklonište za žrtve trgovine ljudima i telefonsku
liniju otvorenu 24 časa u Podgorici. Opšta obaveštenost o
ovom problemu povećala se nakon što su u zemlji uz pomoć
međunarodnih sponzora sprovedene kampanje o podizanju svesti
kod javnosti.
