Bush, Blair Discuss Sharon Plan; Future of Iraq in Press Conference
Remarks by the President and United Kingdom Prime Minister Tony Blair in Press Availability
Rose Garden
11:57 A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, all. Mr. Prime Minister -- Tony, as I
like to call you -- Cherie Blair, thanks for coming, it's great to see
you. Laura and I are pleased to welcome you once again to America and
to the White House.
Throughout the last century, the United Kingdom and the United
States have stood together when liberty was assaulted and free people
were tested. And now in this century our nations see clearly the
dangers of our time, and we share a determination to meet them.
Since our two countries shared the loss of September the 11th,
2001, we've joined in a global manhunt for terrorist killers. We've
removed the terrorist camps of Afghanistan and the brutal government
that sheltered them. We've enforced the demands of the United Nations
in Iraq and removed a dangerous threat to the region and to the world.
We've worked together to end the WMD programs of Libya, and bring
that country back into the community of nations. We're engaged in
difficult and necessary work of helping Iraqis build their own
democracy, for the sake of our security and to increase the momentum of
freedom across the greater Middle East.
The stakes in Iraq are clear: Iraq will either turn back the
challenges to democracy, or return to the camp of tyranny and terror;
Iraq will either be an example of a region that is weary of poverty and
oppression, or will be a threat to the region and to our own people.
Our nations face a stark choice, as well. Britain and America and
our allies can either break our word to the people of Iraq, abandon
them in their hour of need and consign them to oppression -- or we can
help them defeat the enemies of a free Iraq and build the institutions
of liberty. The Prime Minister and I have made our choice: Iraq will
be free; Iraq will be independent; Iraq will be a peaceful nation; and
we will not waver in the face of fear and intimidation.
The past few weeks have been hard, and the days ahead will surely
bring their own challenges. What we're seeing in Iraq is an attempted
power grab by extremists and terrorists. They will fail. The
extremists will fail because our coalition will not allow Iraq's future
to be stolen by a violent few. They will also fail because they are
not widely supported by the Iraqi people, who have no desire to trade
one tyrant for another.
Many Iraqi leaders are showing great personal courage in helping to
build a free Iraq. And we stand with them and we appreciate their
courage. And troops from our countries and other coalition friends are
showing great personal courage as they help Iraq move toward
democracy. And we appreciate their sacrifice and courage, as well.
One of the essential commitments we've made to the Iraqi people is
this: They will control their own country. No citizen of America or
Britain would want the government of their nation in hands of others,
and neither do the Iraqis. And this is why the June 30th date for the
transfer of sovereignty will be kept. This transfer will demonstrate
to the Iraqi people that our coalition has no interest in occupation.
On that date, the Coalition Provisional Authority will cease to exist.
But coalition forces will remain in Iraq to help the new government
succeed.
This week we've seen the outlines of a new Iraqi government that
will take the keys of sovereignty. We welcome the proposals presented
by the U.N. Special Envoy Brahimi. He's identified a way forward to
establishing an interim government that is broadly acceptable to the
Iraqi people. Our coalition partners will continue to work with the
U.N. to prepare for nationwide elections that will choose a new
government in January of 2005.
We thank the U.N. and Secretary General Annan for helping Iraqis
secure a future of freedom. We're grateful that Mr. Brahimi will soon
return to Iraq to continue his important work. A free Iraq will stand
as an example to the Middle East, encouraging reform and hope by
demonstrating what life in a free society can be like. At the same
time, we must also work to end longstanding sources of bitterness and
conflict in the Middle East.
Our commitment to freedom and peace in that region requires us to
make every effort to help resolve the conflict between Israel and
Palestine. On Wednesday, the Prime Minister of Israel presented his
plan to withdraw from Gaza and some parts of the West Bank. I support
that plan. It's a good opportunity. It gives the Palestinians a
chance to create a reformed, just and free government. Palestinian
leadership must rise to the challenge. It gives all sides a chance to
reinvigorate progress on the road map. I'm committed to the vision of
two states, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-side, in peace and
security.
As I said Wednesday, all final status issues must still be
negotiated between the parties. I look forward to the day when those
discussions can begin, so the Israeli occupation can be ended and a
free and independent and peaceful Palestinian state can emerge.
In Iraq and Afghanistan, in a future Palestinian state, and across
the greater Middle East, the best hope for lasting stability, security
and peace is the advance of human freedom. When men and women live in
societies that reward their hopes and recognize their dignity, they are
far less likely to dwell on resentments and turn to violence. This is
not an easy task. For whole nations to construct free institutions
after decades of terror and tyranny requires patience and courage and
the help of friends.
Yet, this difficult work is also necessary work. In the Middle
East, as elsewhere, the path to peace is the path of liberty. And all
who choose that path will have the strong support of the United States
and the United Kingdom. In all these efforts, the American people know
that we have no more valuable friend than Prime Minister Tony Blair.
As we like to say in Crawford, he's a stand-up kind of guy. He shows
backbone and courage and strong leadership. I thank him and Cherie for
coming. I thank the British people for their strength and their
unyielding commitment to the cause of liberty.
Mr. Prime Minister.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Thank you very much, Mr. President. George
and Laura, thank you very much for welcoming myself and Cherie back to
the White House. The many years that -- particularly most recently,
since September the 11th -- our two countries have been friends and
allies standing side-by-side, and we will continue to do so.
Let me restate the historic nature of what we're trying to achieve
in Iraq. It is to take a state that, under Saddam Hussein and his
family, was a merciless tyranny that brutalized the country over many
decades, that used chemical weapons against his own people, a state
that threatened its neighbors in the wider world, that caused two wars
with over a million casualties, that funded and supported terrorism; a
country where, already, the remains of 300,000 innocent men, women and
children have been found in mass graves in Iraq; a state that under
Saddam was without human rights, civil liberties, or the rule of law.
And our task is to take this state and turn it into a democracy, stable
and prosperous, a symbol of hope to its own people and throughout the
whole of the Middle East.
Against us in this task ranged every variety of reactionary
forces: sympathizers of Saddam Hussein, outside terrorists, religious
fanatics. We know the future that they have in mind for the people of
Iraq, and we reject it utterly, as do the overwhelming majority of the
Iraqi people.
It was never going to be easy, and it isn't now. I pay
wholehearted tribute to the American and British troops and troops from
all the different coalition countries; and to the civilians, also, from
many nations. We mourn each loss of life, we salute them and their
families for their bravery and their sacrifice.
And our promise to them, in turn, is very clear. It is to succeed,
to get the job done, to ensure their courage and their sacrifice has
not been in vain. And our plan to do this is clear, and we shall see
it through.
Our strategy, political and military, is as follows. First, we
stand firm; we will do what it takes to win this struggle. We will not
yield, we will not back down in the face of attacks either on us or on
defenseless civilians. Second, we hold absolutely to the 30th of June
timetable for the handover of sovereignty to the Iraqis, themselves.
Third, we will redouble our efforts to build the necessary capability
of the Iraqis, themselves, to take increased responsibility for
security and law and order; the measures for recruiting, training and
equipping Iraqi police and civil defense corps will be intensified.
Fourth, we will carry forward the plan for reconstruction and
investment in Iraq so that all parts of Iraq -- Sunni, Shia and Kurdish
-- know that they have a place and a future in the new Iraq that is
being created. Fifth, the U.N. will have a central role, as now, in
developing the program and machinery for political transition to full
Iraqi democracy. And we will seek a new U.N. Security Council
resolution to embody the political and security way forward.
It follows from this that the political and military strategies
will reinforce each other, as they do now. The purpose of the military
action is to create the security environment in which the political
aims can be achieved. And of course there will be resistance. We have
resistance now by assorted terrorists in Fallujah, by supporters of
Muqtada al-Sadr in Najaf. We shall deal with both with the right
balance of firmness in the face of terror and a clear offer to all
people in Iraq, including those who might be tempted to support
lawbreaking.
The new Iraq will give opportunities to all its citizens, whatever
their ethnic or religious background, but it will not tolerate or
compromise with those who want to wreck the future for the law-abiding
majority in Iraq.
Alongside this strategy for Iraq, we will seek to broaden the
agenda for international action and cooperation. The G8 gives us the
chance, under the chairmanship of the United States this year and
Britain the next, to construct such an agenda; to allow us to defeat
the security threat, but also to confront the issues upon which the
terrorists prey; to tackle the poverty, conflict, religious and ethnic
strife which mar so much of the world.
In this regard, we reaffirm again the importance of a solution for
the Middle East peace process. We welcome the Israeli proposal to
disengage from the Gaza and parts of the West Bank. We want the
Quartet to meet as soon as possible to discuss how it can support the
Palestinian Authority in particular, economically, politically, and in
respect of security, to respond to that offer. We reaffirm that this
is part of a process to get us back into the road map, which we
continue to believe offers the only realistic route to the two states,
Israel and Palestinian, living side-by-side in peace.
We have, therefore, an agenda for Iraq, for change and for
democracy in Iraq. We have, also, an agenda to help overcome the
problems in our world, the problems not just of terrorism, but the
problems in the breeding grounds of terrorism. And I believe that our
two countries will continue to play a role as allies and friends in
securing not just a decent future for the people of Iraq, but a decent
future of people everywhere in our world today.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. Prime Minister, thank you, sir. We will take
three questions a side, and so why don't you ask one question to each
of us.
You can start, Mr. Hunt.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, did you ask
Secretary Rumsfeld to draw up war plans against Iraq in November, 2001,
just as the military action was getting underway in Afghanistan? Why
couldn't Iraq wait?
And Mr. Prime Minister --
PRESIDENT BUSH: No, I thought -- one question apiece. Not one
question or one question apiece.
You know, I can't remember exact dates that far back. I do know
this, that at a key meeting at Camp David, the subject of Iraq -- this
was on September the --
Q Fifteenth.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Fifteenth. We had been attacked on September the
11th, obviously. On the 15th, we sat down, I sat down with my national
security team to discuss the response, and the subject of Iraq came
up. And I said as plainly as I possibly could, we'll focus on
Afghanistan. That's where we'll focus. I explained this to the Prime
Minister, as well, in a subsequent meeting. That was about the 20th of
September, I think, we came and talked about the response we were going
to take in dealing with the attacks on our country.
So I don't remember in times of -- what was being developed or not
being developed. But I do know that it was Afghanistan that was on my
mind. And I didn't really start focusing on Iraq until later on,
particularly about the time I started going to the United Nations with
this message. To the United Nations, I said, let's uphold the demands
of the world, finally, after decades of -- after a decade of threats to
Saddam -- you know, if you don't do this, this will happen -- why don't
we finally just say something that we mean?
And it was at that point in time, when a President steps up in
front of the United Nations and you say, either take care of business
or we, others will, you better mean it. And I meant it when I went up
in front of the United Nations at that point in time.
Q I was asking you about November.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I can't remember. I'd have to get back to you
about a specific moment. But I can tell you, in September, I said, let
us focus on Afghanistan, let us make sure that we do this job and do it
well.
Q Prime Minister, the -- Prime Minister, the handover of power
is just, what, 80 days away, and yet the killing is going on, there is
still kidnapping. Do you accept it was an error not to involve the
U.N. much more early in the process?
And I wonder, Mr. President, if I could ask you if that's a mistake
that you're prepared to accept, as well?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: First of all, we have been involving the
U.N. throughout. And, actually, the work that Mr. Brahimi has done,
we've both made it clear that we welcome. And I can tell you from the
conversations I had with Kofi Annan last night that I think there's a
common approach. Obviously, we have to discuss the details in
particular with the Iraqi groups, themselves, as to how this political
transition is to come about.
But let me just say one thing to you about the violence and the
killing there. There was always going to be resistance to transition
to democracy. And, in particular, as the date for transition to a
sovereign Iraqi government that's going to be broad based as that date
draws near. There's going to be violence. There's going to be
violence from people who don't want an Iraqi future different from the
past. And I don't think we should be surprised at this. There will be
religious fanatics, outside terrorists, former Saddam people who will
come together and they will kill innocent civilians, they will try and
kill coalition troops, they will kill Iraqis -- they'll kill anyone who
stands in their way. And the reason that they're doing this is because
they don't want a democratic Iraq.
Now, what is the response of ourselves, and, indeed, the whole of
the world community, regardless of whether you support the war in Iraq
or not? The response has got to be that we hold firm, we keep to the
political transition, we keep to the timetable, and we do everything we
humanly can to build up the capability of the Iraqis to take control of
their own affairs. Because in Iraq there will be all sorts of people
-- that vast majority of people out there who aren't terrorists, who
don't want to kill people, who want to lead an ordinary life, raise
their family, have a job, have some prosperity, have some freedom -- as
other people in the world do -- and they will be sitting there,
watching and waiting for one thing: do we have the will and the
determination to finish the job.
And what you're hearing from myself and the President of the United
States is, we will stay there and we will get the job done, because
that's what we promised to do. And we will continue until it's
finished.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Steve.
Q Hosni Mubarak is saying the new U.S. policy on the West Bank
could escalate violence. How do you respond to his concerns?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I think this is a fantastic opportunity -- the
fact that Ariel Sharon said, we're going to withdraw from territory, is
an historic moment. And it creates a chance for the world to come
together to help develop a Palestinian state based upon a solid
foundation, a foundation where the institutions are bigger than the
people, just like our respective governments are founded.
It's a chance to provide a framework for international aid that
will help a Palestinian economy grow. It's a chance for people to come
together to work on measures that will enable people to live in peace
-- security measures. This is an historic moment, and I think people
need to view it as such, and seize the moment, and help a Palestinian
state become a reality, a Palestinian state that can live at peace with
its neighbors.
And, you know, there's a lot of talk about the final status
discussions. And that's all and good. The problem is, is people, by
doing so, don't pay attention to the moment. It's a moment we've got
to seize. The final status discussions will become a lot plainer --
and by the way, we're not going to prejudge the final status
discussions. But the answers will become a lot plainer once there is a
peaceful state that's committed to fighting off terror and a state
that's capable of providing hope for its people.
I think it's possible. And the Prime Minister and I have spent a
lot of time on this subject. And I'm not going to put words in his
mouth, but he thinks it's possible. And we look forward to working
together to make it possible. But it's going to require a commitment
by the Palestinian people to find leadership that is committed to peace
and hope. And it's going to require a commitment by people in the
neighborhood to support the emergence of a state.
This is an historic moment, and I appreciate the Prime Minister of
Israel coming here to announce it. And we intend to seize the moment
and to take advantage of an opportunity.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I think what's happening here is that
despite all the reaction -- some of which I think it's expected and
natural that always rebound around the world when a statement like this
is made -- let's just go back and see what the opportunity is here. If
there is disengagement by Israel from the Gaza and from parts of the
West Bank, that then gives us the opportunity -- and this is where the
international community has got to play its role -- that gives us the
opportunity to help the Palestinian Authority with the economic, the
political and the security measures they take, and they need to take,
in order to get to the point where the concept of a viable Palestinian
state becomes a real possibility -- not something that's put in a
document and talked about, or discussed in resolutions or speeches, but
actually is a real, live possibility. And I see this not in any shape
or form as pushing the road map to the side. On the contrary, I see it
as a way back into the road map.
Now, I know there'll be all sorts of issues to do with the final
status negotiations. And as the President said, no one is prejudging
those. But, you know, let's not look this particular opportunity in
the eye and then turn away. It is an opportunity for people.
And what I want to say to, not just to the Palestinians and the
Israelis, but to the international community is, whatever the doubts
and worries, get involved now, because there is a possibility when that
disengagement happens, the Palestinian Authority have got to have the
wherewithal in political, in economic, in security terms to start
running the land, the territory that will be, then, under their
control, and use that as the basis of getting back into a proper road
map negotiation.
Because we -- this is a -- we deal with many difficult issues --
Cyprus, we discussed earlier, Northern Ireland, that I'm dealing with.
The one advantage that you have in this situation -- which is as well
to keep in mind, even at this difficult moment -- is that there is now
an agreement that there should be two states, an Israeli and a
Palestinian state, and that Palestinian state should be viable. And I
can assure you, and I believe this very strongly from the conversations
I've had with the President, that if the Palestinians are willing to
make that effort and the international community helps in doing so,
then they will find all of us, then, ready to engage and ensure that
the proper discussion and settlement of these issues takes place. We
will be ready to step up and do that.
Yes, Mark, sorry.
Q Mr. Sharon says this agreement by the President has ended the
dreams of Palestinians. Many Palestinians seem to agree with that, as
well. Why do you two not see it in that light? The Israelis see it as
a victory for their side.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, I don't -- I haven't come across those
particular words, and I would like to see the context of that. But I
don't think that this ends anyone's dream. I think what it does is
give us at least the possibility of moving it forward.
What have people been asking for years? They've been asking for
the Israelis to withdraw from the occupied territories. Now, this is
not the final end of it. This is not -- this is not a unilateral
attempt to impose a settlement. But it does at least give the
Palestinians, if they're able, then, to seize this opportunity, the
ability to construct in the Gaza and those parts of the West Bank that
will be under their control, with the settlements removed from there.
And, remember, I can't remember exactly how many people it is, it's
maybe 7,000 people that there are in the Gaza part of -- and those
settlements withdrawn.
Now, forgive me, but I've been dealing with this for almost a
decade. And it's been very, very difficult ever to get a situation
where an Israeli Prime Minister is prepared to say, we're actually
going to take these settlements away -- and make that not conditional
on something that the Palestinians are doing, but say, we're just going
to do that.
Now, of course, there's a whole string of things that, then, have
to be decided. All these issues have to be negotiated. We have to get
back into the road map and get on a proper process towards a resolution
of those issues.
But if that disengagement takes place, surely the intelligent
thing, not just for the Palestinians, but for the international
community, is to be ready to respond. And here's where the Quartet can
play a part, the other part that's in this process. The European
Union, for example. We put money into reconstruction in the
Palestinian Authority. I believe that there is a real possibility if
we can get the right political system there, the European Union putting
money in to help reconstruct the country, to help build the proper
security capability.
These are -- these are things, however difficult, that offer
opportunities. That's all I'm saying, and I think we should seize
them.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Let me say one quick thing about this. I haven't
seen the context in which he said it, either. But I can tell you what
he told me. He told me he supported a Palestinian state. He thinks
it's in Israel's interest that there be a Palestinian state. Obviously
there's a caveat. He wants a peaceful Palestinian state. And he wants
somebody who will promote peace, not violence, somebody who's willing
to join with a lot of us to fight off terror.
He also recognizes that it's important that there be hope in his
neighborhood. And a peaceful Palestinian state that gets help from the
world is a state that can help small businesses grow, help an education
system develop, help a health care system develop that provides basic
services to its people. I think this is a great opportunity. And
you're going to have to ask him exactly what -- whether that was in
context or not.
But the impression I got, from having sat with the man right
upstairs here in the White House, was he views this as a hopeful
moment, as well, and made it clear that it's a part of the road map
process, and knows what I know, that as we gain confidence in a
Palestinian leadership and a Palestinian state that's committed itself
to peace, further progress will be made -- further progress will be
made on territory. And, therefore, the final status discussions -- and
I repeat, which are not being prejudged by the American government, as
stated clearly on Wednesday -- will be easier to deal with. And
that's what's important.
We'll seize the moment, is what the Prime Minister is saying.
Let's see, April.
Q Mr. President, some of your critics are saying that it's a
political ploy by you to stand firm to this June 30th deadline,
especially that you don't have an Iraqi organization to transfer power
over to. What do you say to that? And for -- what organization would
you like to see transferred power over to, both of you, if you could
answer that?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, I appreciate that. I guess, it's a
political year, everything I'm going to say is being -- they're going
to say is political. What's important is that we honor our word and
honor our commitments to the Iraqi people. I suspect that if you look
deep into the soul of the Iraqi people, they'd be saying, we don't know
if we can trust America and Great Britain to be tough and hang in, hang
in with us. And one of the things we've said is, we'll transfer
sovereignty on June the 30th, and we're going to.
If they believe that we'll cut and run -- in other words, if times
get tough, and we'll just say, see you later -- nobody is going to take
a stand for freedom and liberty; they're afraid of getting killed or
tortured or maimed. These are -- I said the other night that a year
seems like a long time for Americans and people in Great Britain. But
a year is not much when you're trying to shed yourself from the habits
of tyranny and torture. Remember where these people came from. They
came from a society where if they dared speak their mind, it's likely
they'd end up in a mass grave or in a torture room. If they criticized
Saddam Hussein in any way, they would be maimed or killed. And that's
a hard thing to forget.
See, it's easy for us to not recognize that fear because,
fortunately, our societies are such that we don't have to live with
it. They did. And if they think that we will be leaving because of
politics, then they won't take a risk toward freedom. We're not
leaving because of politics, April. We're standing firm on our word
because it's right, and it's in the long-term interests of our
countries that we stand firm, because a free Iraq is an historic
opportunity to change the world for the better.
There's a lot of talk about the war on terror, and can we win the
war on terror. Of course we can win the war on terror in the long
run. We can do a lot of things in the short-term to protect ourselves,
starting with staying on the offensive. But in the long-term, it's the
spread of freedom that will win the war on terror.
See, the great thing about our two countries is we believe in the
power of free societies. And we don't say freedom is only -- is
consigned to one group of people or one religion. We believe freedom
is universal. And free societies are peaceful societies. And freedom
will be the cure for those who harbor deep resentment and hatred in
their heart. And I appreciate the Prime Minister understanding that
vision, as well. It's a wonderful feeling to have a strong ally in
believing in the power of free societies and liberty. And that's why
we're going to stay the course in Iraq. And that's why when we say
something in Iraq, we're going to do it, because we want there to be a
free society. It's in our long-term interests. It's in the interests
of our children and our grandchildren that Iraq be free.
Q Mr. Prime Minister --
Q Who is going to --
PRESIDENT BUSH: Hold on for a second. That's going to be decided
by Mr. Brahimi. That's the recommendation of Brahimi. He's in the
process -- you're watching a process unfold. And you won't have to ask
that question on July the 1st.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: That's absolutely right. And what will
happen is there will be discussions, obviously, that Mr. Brahimi is
conducting. But the idea will be to have a broad-based government, and
then next year to move to a new constitution, and then, finally, to
democratic elections. And that's the -- so who's going to end up
governing Iraq ultimately? It's going to be the Iraqi people with a
proper democratic constitution.
PRESIDENT BUSH: One final point on this -- thank you, April, for
bringing it up. Transitional administrative law that had been written
is a -- this is an historic document. And it's a wonderful
opportunity. It is for the people of Iraq to say, here's how civilized
people must live. Here's how you protect minority rights. Here's how
you protect the rights of religious people. And here's how civilized
people should live if they're going to provide hope for the future.
And there doesn't seem to be much focus on that, what we call the
TAL these days. And yet, it is a -- it is the cornerstone for what is
going to be a free and hopeful society.
Go ahead, final question.
Q If I could just ask you about Iraq again. The fact of the
matter is that weapons of mass destruction have not been found, that a
link between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda has not been proved; and that
the year on, troop numbers are going up, not coming down. So however
determined you are to make a better Iraq, isn't the awkward fact for
both of you that you misled your peoples in taking troops to war and
shedding blood as a result?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: First of all, I just remind you that when,
in November of 2002, we passed the United Nations resolution calling
upon Saddam to comply fully with the United Nations inspectors, we did
that on the basis of an understanding that wasn't confined simply to
Great Britain and America, but was right across the hall of the
Security Council, that Saddam Hussein was a threat -- and, indeed, it
would difficult to conclude otherwise given that his was a regime that
actually used chemical weapons, weapons of mass destruction against
their own people.
And yes, a year on, we have faced some difficult times. We'll face
difficult times again in the future. But one of the most interesting
things to me is when I go and I actually talk to other leaders out in
that region -- and some of them have got very difficult politics over
this issue, as you all know, for very obvious reasons -- but I'm struck
by how much more secure they feel with Saddam Hussein gone. And
whatever their differences over the conflict, they know how important
it is to their
region and their stability and, actually, their chance of changing
their own country, that Iraq does become a stable and democratic
state.
And this is one of these situations where -- you know, people often
say to me, well is it -- is the world safer, given all the difficulty
and violence that you have in Iraq? And I say to them, well, first of
all, don't think that violence wasn't happening every day in Iraq under
Saddam Hussein, it was. But, secondly, when you take on and you deal
with these issues, yes, of course, you face difficult times. You're
bound to have them. But the question is, is the aim and objective
you're trying to secure one that if you do secure will make the world,
indeed, safer and better. And that's why -- I find now, whatever the
differences people have over the wisdom of the conflict -- and that's a
debate that will go on, and go on for many, many years, no doubt; the
historians can all pour over it -- but everybody should recognize the
common interest today in making sure that Iraq achieves the aim that we
have set out and that everybody of any sense in the international
community supports, because if --
Q (Inaudible.)
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: No, because I believe the important thing is
to make the world more secure as a result of Saddam Hussein going, as a
result of that threat, then, from Saddam and his regime, the threat
that they carried out in their own region. I just listed for you two
wars in which there were over a million casualties; hundreds of
thousands of his own people killed.
Now, this is an historic struggle, and we're at a very, very
crucial moment. And I think, for many, many people in Iraq, I think
what the President said just a moment ago is absolutely right. Of
course they're going to be sitting there asking, after all the decades
of tyranny we've had, after all the promises that the international
community gave us, and frankly let us down on, are these people going
to stay the course?
And we are, and we want the international community to work with us
in doing that. We're not setting aside the United Nations or that
process at all. We're actually trying to work with the U.N. now,
because everybody understands the importance of fulfilling that
objective. And you just imagine an Iraq, stable and prosperous and
democratic, and think of the signal that would send out. Think of the
instant rebuttal of all that poisonous propaganda about America, about
it all being an attack on Muslims or it being part of a war on
civilization -- Iraq, run by the Iraqis, the wealth of that country
owned by the Iraqis, and a symbol of hope and democracy in the Middle
East.
Now, for me this is a cause that any person of good will and good
heart should be able to support.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Good job, Prime Minister. Thank you, sir.