November 30, 2000

Key Bridge Marriott Hotel
Arlington, Virginia

MR. ANDERSON: Good morning. Thank you all very much. I just want to take this final opportunity for me to publicly thank Jennifer Windsor for her leadership at the Democracy Center and everything she has done to promote democracy and freedom and human rights around the world. Thank you, Jennifer. (Applause.)

Good morning, Congressman Moran, nice to see you this morning, and Deputy Administrator Babbitt, glad you could be here with us. It is a pleasure to be with all of you this morning, and not only because of the honor of introducing a good friend and a valued colleague, but because this conference celebrates what I think will be one of the most enduring legacies of the 20th century, the spread of democracy around the world.

Today, for the first time in their history, nations like Russia and Ukraine and Nigeria are choosing their own leaders, a valuable, a very important first step. But you and I know that democracy is about more than elections, as our own experienced here in Florida so aptly demonstrates.

As President Clinton has said, without a strong and independent judiciary, civil society, transparent governance, and a free press to hold the leaders accountable, the world's new democracies could sink under the weight of corruption, inequity and poor government. Every day, the US Agency for International Development works alongside governments, non-profit organizations, journalists, and everyday citizens to ensure that this does not happen. And by doing so, we not only strengthen the democratic tradition in these countries, we also strengthen the entire process of development.

Now, as Secretary Albright has often noted, democracy does not always produce good leaders, efficient government or prosperous societies. But experience tells us that democracy is more likely to produce prosperity and peace. By giving everyone an equal voice in government, it is more likely to reconcile religious and ethnic differences. By representing the interests of citizens, it promotes political stability.

Democracy is not the answer to all our problems, but it is the best system we have that ensures the basic human right of individual freedom. That is why so many people in so many countries of the world have fought and died in its pursuit -- in fact, are still fighting and are still unfortunately dying.

I am proud to be part of an agency that over the past half century has been so instrumental in this fight, and I have been proud to know and work with USAID's staff of democracy officers, all of whom are so committed to their work and our cause. And I know that we cannot do our work around the world without the talent and the work of many of you, our implementing partners who are here today.

In my roughly 18 months as administrator of USAID -- which I must say has passed like a flash -- I have been lucky enough to meet and become friends with some extraordinary people, people who are tangibly changing the world for the better. Of these, one person in particular stands out. That person is of course Madeleine Albright, and I am proud of the close working relationship that we have together developed between USAID and the Department of State. I appreciate greatly the Secretary's speaking out in favor of adequate resources to support USAID's efforts to foster development and democracy around the world.

During her tenure as Secretary of State, she has worked tirelessly to promote democracy in Indonesia, in Ukraine, in Colombia, and of course in Serbia, among many, many other countries. All of us will always admire Secretary Albright for her dedication to democracy and freedom.

It is my pleasure to introduce to you my friend, the Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright. (Applause.)

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Thank you. Thank you very, very much.

I can't thank you enough, Brady, not only for what you said, but for what is truly a terrific partnership. I thought that it would be impossible to ever match the relationship that I had with Brian Atwood. We had actually done so much work together for NDI and The National Endowment, but Brady, you have been a fabulous partner. I think we have managed to coordinate our activities in an unparalleled way, and I can't tell you how much I appreciate everything that you have done. And congratulations to you, Jennifer, for everything you have done to make this work. (Applause.)

I'm very glad that Hattie is here; she has also been a fabulous partner and a good friend, and I'm glad that you were able to come. And Jim Moran, the best friend that anybody has in Congress, who cares about foreign policy and democracy and I'm always glad to see him at a committee hearing, because it means that there is somebody there who -- (laughter). So thanks for being here.

Excellencies from the Diplomatic Corps and Representative Moran and other fellow small "d" democrats, I deeply appreciate the chance to be with you this morning, and to have time to kick off this conference.

For the past three weeks, democracy has been much on our minds, and since November 7th, Americans have been given the equivalent of a quadruple shot of democratic espresso. Rarely in recent times have our institutions been so tested, and never has the importance of voting been so clear.

Fortunately, when I became Secretary of State, I had all my partisan instincts surgically removed, so my interest in this election has been entirely academic. (Laughter.) Although the process has been excruciating, I can't help but be proud of the durability of American democracy. I have been particularly impressed by the average citizens in Florida, who have worked hard to count ballots fairly so that everyone's voice is heard. And I must tell you, however, that if I should ever be blessed with another grandchild, it will not be named "Chad." (Laughter.)

But I didn't come here this morning to talk about the US elections, for that would be inappropriate. Nor do I intend to lecture you about the "do's" and "don'ts" of promoting democracy, for that there is no need. No one knows better than you how to build and strengthen democratic institutions.

USAID guided by Brian Atwood and now by Brady Anderson and spearheaded by its Center for Democracy and Governance, and bolstered by its many partners, has become the world's heavyweight champion of democracy. In this room are many of the globe's leading experts on the links between development and democracy, the importance of sharing best practices, and the need to make the most out of scarce resources. And I will echo Brady and say how extremely pleased I am that State and USAID have built such a truly productive relationship in the past few years, and I thank you and I salute you for all of that.

But I will not elaborate this morning on what you do. Instead, I want to talk about why all your hard work matters so much. This is important because the new administration, whoever leads it, will have many choices to make about where to invest our resources. The incoming President and Secretary of State will have to make judgments about what our foreign policy priorities should be and they will have to think hard about America's proper global role.

These aren't easy decisions and before making them, our new leaders will have to sift through an abundance of conflicting advice. Fore example, there are still some among us who believe that promoting democracy doesn't qualify as a real foreign policy issue. They see little connection between fostering democratic values and the hard-headed pursuit of American interests.

In one sense, I love to hear such talk because it makes me feel 40 years younger, and I think back to the Cold War. It that era, we had an excuse to view almost every challenge through the prism of our rivalry with the Soviet Union. And our rivals' leaders understood that American foreign policy must always be shaped not solely on the basis of what we are against, but also on what we are for. And our interests dictate that we should be for a world in which the democratic tide continues to rise.

The past half century provides ample proof that democracy is more than just another form of government; it is also a powerful generator of international security, prosperity and peace. After World War II, democracy helped Germany and Japan become integrated into the world economy and to evolve into key allies of the United States. More recently, the promise of democracy inspired Solidarity, the Velvet Revolution, and other movements that lifted the Iron Curtain and ended Cold War security threats.

Since then, we've seen the brutal injustice of Apartheid ended by democracy. Civil wars in Central America and Mozambique ceased when the parties chose ballots over bullets. An age-old conflict in Northern Ireland quieted through an agreement voted upon by both sides. And the Asian financial crisis eased when democratic leaders implemented reforms.

In Central and Eastern Europe, democratic gains have enabled historic rivals to address and resolve past grievances, permitted the enlargement of NATO and opened the door to EU expansion. Democracy has also spread to every part of the Balkans and put Yugoslavia, along with Bosnia, Croatia and their neighbors on the road to full participation in a Europe, whole and free.

Closer to home, democratic progress in our own hemisphere has allowed us to work with our neighbors more closely than ever to broaden prosperity, address social ills and expand the rule of law. And as one reflection of that, I'm about to get on a plane in order to be tomorrow in Mexico to attend the inauguration of Mexico's new President, following the fairest election in that country in history.

Looking ahead, we know that our security needs will be influenced greatly by whether freedom finds a foothold in key nations where democratic forces are currently repressed and by whether democracy succeeds in Russia, where forces of openness and reaction presently clash.

We've learned that democracy provides no guarantee against aggression but it's the best political insurance available. Governments that are publicly accountable rarely start wars while regimes that run roughshod over their own citizens are often indifferent to the rights of others. Moreover, in recent years, destabilizing conflicts have erupted more frequently within societies than between them. And here again, democracies have a clear advantage because they embrace pluralism, encourage tolerance and enable citizens to pursue change in a peaceful and lawful way.

Democracy also has the best record of fostering stability, openness and dynamism required for development. Here, USAID is performing a mighty service by persuading global, regional and bilateral donors that democracy and development reinforce each other, and by helping us all to understand that societies will grow quicker and stronger if their people are free to express their ideas, market their labor and pursue a better life.

This is in sharp contrast to the old argument still made by some that development must come first, after which democracy may be added like frosting on a cake. As UN Secretary General Annan said in a report last month, "Democratization gives people a stake in society and without that, lasting peace will not be possible and sustainable development will not be achieved."

In addition, democratic nations are the most likely to support kindly international action to fight the global plagues of terror and proliferation, crime and disease. Democracies foster civil society, while dictators fear it. And civil society is often the key to action on challenges such as the environment, which has both local and worldwide impact.

So the health of democracy is vital to America's interests. And my central message this morning is that promoting democracy is not just right, it is also necessary and smart. The question is, how to go about it. Under the Clinton Administration, we have developed a four-part approach.

The first is to join our strengths to the strength of other nations that have clearly chosen the democratic path. We do this through joint initiatives with key allies and partners, through regional and global institutions. For example, in Europe, the OSCE has become an increasingly vigorous advocate for democracy and human rights. In the Americas, the OAS has lent timely support when democratic processes were threatened in Guatemala, Paraguay, and most recently Peru. And in Africa, the OAU has taken a firm stand in support of democratic principles.

Last summer, I joined the foreign ministers of Poland and five other countries in convening the first-ever Community of Democracies Conference. Representatives from more than 100 nations, reflecting every region, culture and level of development, were present.

While there, we approved the Warsaw Declaration, which spells out what democracy is and what it requires. Those striving to institutionalize freedom can use the Declaration as a yardstick, measuring both what has been achieved in their countries, and what remains to be done. We are engaged now in efforts to follow up by encouraging governments to meet their commitments, better coordinating our pro-democracy assistance, and working more closely with international organizations, including a new and informal democratic caucus at the United Nations.

The second element in our strategy is to help nations in transition, or where the democratic process is under stress. The roots of democracy extend back as far as Pericles, but freedom as a form of government didn't blossom until our own era. A century ago, there was not a national government on earth elected by universal suffrage. Today, there are about 120. The majority of people who have ever lived in a democracy are alive today.

With so many democracies so young, it is no wonder many are vulnerable. In country after country, it is too early to say whether democracy has succeeded or failed. Often, it has not met expectations, but expectations are not always realistic. As USAID well knows, democratic institutions and values require time to evolve, especially in countries that lack a democratic tradition and are plagued by economic and social problems.

Over the past 18 months, the United States has made a concerted effort to assist four priority countries: Colombia, Indonesia, Nigeria and Ukraine. These nations have different cultures, histories and challenges, but each plays a pivotal regional role. Each is struggling to improve the laws of its people through democratic measures, and in each the State Department and USAID have coordinated closely to assist civil society and promote sound governance. And I hope very much that each will benefit from further pro-democracy initiatives during the next administration and beyond. The same goes for our democracy and development efforts though generally, by their nature, these require long-term commitments. Unfortunately, attention spans today are very short. Much that matters never lands on the front page or hits the screen as breaking news.

But institutions are like tapestries; if you want them to last, you must weave them thread by thread, day by day. So we believe that every election that is free and fair and every economy that is nourished at the grass roots, every judicial system that is strengthened by reform and every advance for human rights will make the democratic community stronger and its growth more sure.

The third part of our strategy is to find appropriate ways to help democratic forces in countries that are not yet free. Fore example, in Serbia, we joined our European partners and provided assistance to the democratic opposition. We did this not to impose our values - quite the contrary. Our goal was to help the Serb people and all of Yugoslavia shape their own destinies and choose their own leaders. That's why USAID supported the training of thousands of domestic election observers whose unbiased reports made the opposition's historic victory clear to those within Yugoslavia and around the world.

But our assistance would have meant little if the Serb majority had not come together, stood up to Milosevic and insisted that the victory they earned at the ballot box not be taken away. The role for outsiders in Yugoslavia remains strictly a supporting one. We should do all we can as quickly as we can to assist the new leaders in Belgrade as they conduct new parliamentary elections, strive to meet urgent energy and other budgetary needs, and work to undo the harm caused by decades of communist misrule.

Under Milosevic, there is nowhere Yugoslavia could go. Now, there is no limit to what Yugoslavia may accomplish in partnership with Europe and in cooperation with its neighbors.

We must also support efforts by the democratic opposition in Burma to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the authorities there and to improve respect for basic civil and human and political rights. The world knows that Burma had elections in 1990 and that the National League for Democracy lead by Aung San Suu Kyi won an overwhelming victory. We know as well that the military responded by arresting the winners and crushing dissent.

As a result, Burma today is an economic basket case. It has become notorious as a source of opium, it is being overrun by HIV/AIDS and its government has been sanctioned by the ILO for encouraging forced labor and slavery. As the rest of Asia strides boldly into the 21st century, the people of Burma may be sent to jail for owning a computer modem or sending e-mail.

Our friends in Burma may be impeded from communicating directly with us, but the message sent by their ballots a decade ago will never be deleted from our minds. Every nation that loves liberty should press the leaders in Rangoon, peacefully and relentlessly, to open their country and free their people.

The fourth element in our strategy is more general, and that is to promote respect for human rights, included in the universal right to democratic governance. This policy encompasses activities across the globe in support of religious freedom, independent media, workers' rights and the rule of law. These efforts are designed to help democracies flower where they have taken root, take root where seeds have shown up, and help seeds find nourishment in even the rockiest soil.

We understand well that democracy is not a product or a service. It can't be exported or imported. It must grow from within. But we disagree with the argument that democracy is not suited to certain regions, for democratic elements are present in every major culture. We reject the view that any nation is not ready for democracy because we refuse to concede that any country is ready for dictatorship. And we have real doubts about leaders who mimic Saint Augustine's famous prayer that he become abstinent and celibate -- but not yet. (Laughter.)

You may have come across such leaders in your work. They call themselves democrats. They claim to want democracy for their people. They say they intend to build democratic institutions. But if you ask them when, the answer is always, "not yet." That's hypocrisy, not democracy, and we shouldn't be shy about pointing it out.

Democracy is, of course, far from perfect. As we have learned so recently, it can be noisy and confusing, frustrating and hard. But democracy at its best reflects faith in the individual and the community. It respects the will of the majority and the rights of the minority; it creates a level playing field for rich and poor, men and women, people of different colors and faiths.

In a democracy, we value the give-and-take of debates, because we claim for ourselves no unique insight into truth. Unlike Communists and Fascists, we adhere not to a single revealed doctrine, but rather to a process through which vision and experience are combined to form policy, and policies are tested over and over again.

No system is immune from abuses caused by corruption or incompetence. But democracy contains within itself the means of correction through balloting, free expression and law. And that's why in a democracy that works, the role of the opposition is as crucial as the role of the party in power. The two may disagree on policy, but at the end of the day, they must join ranks on the fundamental process.

It is probably not appropriate for me to offer advice publicly to the new administration. But the identity of the new administration is still not settled, so I will say this: American freedom, prosperity and peace depend in large measure on the continued deepening of democratic institutions and values around the world. And that depends in turn on America's willingness to continue working with our partners to promote democracy. And that depends on whether the next Administration and Congress provide the resources required for the most effective democracy-builders on Earth -- and that's you -- to do your jobs.

In his remarks earlier, Administrator Anderson emphasized the connections between development and democracy, and he was obviously right to do so. Any pro-democracy strategy must include well-crafted investments and economic reform, fighting poverty, expanding opportunities for women and training in 21st century skills.

And I am pleased that with bipartisan help from Congress, we have enacted legislation to open new trade opportunities for Africa and the Caribbean; approved debt relief for the poorest reforming countries; and restored some cuts in overseas aid. But still, on a per-capita basis, Americans contribute only $29 per year through official channels to development and humanitarian assistance. This compares to a median of $70 in other industrialized countries. These depressing figures reflect neither the generous spirit of the American people, nor the responsibilities and interests of our nation. We are leaders, not laggards; we can and must do more.

It is also, quite frankly, a disgrace that America is both the richest country in the world and the leading debtor to the United Nations and other international organizations. We should continue to press for reform. But these organizations support development and help build democracy, and I hope you agree that we should pay our bills to them in full on time. Every country everywhere should know that America keeps its word.

In exactly 50 days, I will leave this wonderful job, and one of the things I will miss most when my tenure ends is the view. From the windows of the Secretary of State's office, I can look out over the Mall, and see the Washington Monument and the memorials to Jefferson and Lincoln. Each day, I witness a steady tide of visitors to these shrines of freedom from all corners of our country and all parts of the world.

When I do, I can't help but think back to the day more than half a century ago when I first sailed with my family into New York harbor, seeking and finding refuge on these shores. I remember also, as a young women, standing near the reflecting pool and hearing Martin Luther King proclaim every American's birthright to a fair share in the democratic dream.

I look across the Potomac to Arlington Cemetery and the statue of soldiers raising the flag at Iwo Jima; and then back to the haunting figures commemorating our involvement in Korea, and the silent etched eloquent black of the Vietnam Wall. I doubt that any of us will ever winter at Valley Forge, author a Declaration of Independence, free millions from unjust bondage or arouse the conscience of a nation with our words.

We are none of us heroes, but make no mistake; building democracy is the continuation of heroic work. Without this commitment, American foreign policy would lose its moral compass, its most compelling claim to global respect, and ultimately, the support of the American people.

Freedom is perhaps the clearest expression of national purpose ever adopted, and it is America's purpose. Like other profound human aspirations, it can never be fully achieved. It is not a possession; it is a pursuit. And it is the star by which American foreign policy must continue to navigate during the remaining days of this Administration and throughout the century to come.

I want once again to thank each and every one of you for the efforts you make every day on behalf of our nation and the principles which we have cherished for more than two centuries, and for which so many Americans and friends overseas have given their last full measure of devotion.

We have had an amazing week in Washington this week in terms of our work. The President had a Conference on Cultural Diplomacy, and yesterday, at the State Department, we had a dinner honoring teachers of international education. It is so fitting that before I take off for Mexico, I have a chance to meet with all of you, the workers of democracy, and thank you so very, very much for everything. (Applause.)