Chairman Bochniarz, thank you very much for that introduction. Ladies and gentlemen, I very much appreciate the opportunity to address such a distinguished gathering. The roster of speakers and participants here in this first World Forum on Democracy is remarkable.

You are engaged in trailblazing work in every field of endeavor in every region of the world. You come from lands that reflect a rich variety of experiences; some from countries long blessed with freedom; others newly free; still others even now engaged in the struggle. I am honored to be in your company.

And I am delighted that this Forum could be conducted in parallel with the first Community of Democracies meeting of foreign ministers. Because one of the great lessons we have learned is that when public and nongovernmental organizations pull together, we can lift the lives of people everywhere.

Yesterday, in Gdansk, I offered my thoughts on why it matters so much that we are coming together here in Poland to ensure that the democratic tide remains a rising tide around the world.

Today, I would like to present some ideas on how we can make concrete progress toward that vital goal. This begins with the recognition of a double-edged reality. Democracy is stronger than it has ever been, and also more vulnerable in more places.

This is because democratic forces have gained so much, and because young democracies are inherently fragile. And so we know that democratic cooperation on a global basis is more possible than ever before, and also more necessary.

As the proposed Warsaw Declaration reflects, democracies come in many shapes and sizes, but their defining elements are no longer in dispute. And as the diversity evident here in Warsaw shows, democratic values have put down roots in every major culture, on every continent on Earth.

Today, we stand together, from Seoul to Santiago, and from Bangkok to Bamako, declaring that the right to democratic governance is universal, and that the time has long since past when human beings anywhere could be considered mere servants of the state.

Each woman and every man has a social and political identity. Each is endowed with certain inalienable rights. Each is entitled to a vote and a voice. And each should have a role to play in deciding how the society in which he or she lives is governed.

The growth of democracy has had a profoundly positive impact on world affairs. It has helped countries such as El Salvador and Mozambique to rebuild after conflict; quickened recovery from financial crisis in Asia; spurred progress toward the long-denied dream of a Europe whole and free; and provided the means by which apartheid in South Africa could be ended, once and for all.

It has also enabled people from societies that had been crushed by repression to have faith that they and their children's children will be able to grow up and grow old in freedom.

Unfortunately, not all of these democratic gains have been consolidated. Many new democracies are struggling because of the burdens they inherited and the ongoing challenges they face--such as debt and disease, crime and corruption, too much strife and not enough skills.

Many have failed to deliver on the promise of a better standard of living for their people, and risk a loss of public confidence.

We must recognize that the strains of a globalizing economy are especially hard on societies that are also faced with the challenge of adjusting to a new political system. And that the information revolution has created expectations that newly free economies find hard to meet.

Moreover, we must be honest and acknowledge that some leaders are far more eager to be called democrats than to embrace democratic standards.

As a result, we have heard again the voices of those who say that much of the world is not ready for democracy--to which we must reply that none of the world has ever truly been ready for anything else.

Today, around the globe, we see nations working together because they are from the same region, or speak the same language, or export the same products. It is urgent now that nations work together because they share the same democratic values.

We need a true democratic community; defined not by what we are against, but by what we are for; enriched by leaders from every point on the compass; and strengthened by the full participation of civil society.

Because whether the job is monitoring elections or training judges, fighting corruption or bearing witness to violations of human rights, NGOs play an increasing role, and deserve a more prominent voice in strategies for democratic development.

Moreover, like the lantern in the coal mine, the vigor of civil society is a measure of the vigor of a democracy. If it lacks oxygen, freedom will start to flicker; if it flourishes, liberty's light will continue to shine.

We cannot secure our future without democracy. But democracy's future is not secure. And so our job this week is to create a workplan for cooperation among democracies and democrats worldwide.

In our sessions at the Ministerial Conference, which began this morning, we are examining how we can better support democracy through our participation in regional and global organizations.

These bodies are already contributing much by providing incentives to comply with democratic norms, assessing whether democratic standards have been met, assisting democratic institutions, and calling attention to abuses of civil liberties and human rights.

Just within the past few months, the OAU invoked democratic criteria to deny a seat at its summit to a government imposed by coup in Cote d'Ivoire. The ILO voted to impose sanctions against Burma unless it ends its forced labor practices. And the OAS dispatched a mission to Peru with a mandate to help strengthen democracy.

International institutions are among our best instruments for supporting democratic growth. So the Community of Democracies should do all it can to mobilize its influence within these organizations for that high purpose.

Second, the Ministerial Conference is discussing how nations can better share best practices in building democratic institutions and responding to threats.

Virtually every problem democracies now face has been confronted earlier in some form by others. Every situation is unique, but we can all learn by example.

Among emerging democracies, there are clear leaders in spurring economic opportunity, managing civil-military relations, protecting minority rights, and establishing the rule of law. The job for our Community is to connect those who need help with those who can best provide it; and thereby build the future by profiting from the past.

Third, we are considering steps we might take in situations where democratic regimes seem to be backsliding from democratic norms or proving unable to cope with the pressures they face.

In fostering democracy, momentum matters. Every illegal coup, rigged election, or unjust jailing may, if unchallenged, erode the foundation of democracy worldwide. Our Community must assess how we can best prevent and respond to such developments in a manner that respects both legitimate concerns about sovereignty, and universal principles of human rights.

Fourth, we are sharing ideas about how our Community can better coordinate assistance to new democracies. This requires an extensive and ongoing dialogue among donors, host governments and civil society.

If the 21st Century is to be known as the democratic century, the supporters of freedom must be united, and in many respects we are.

Compared to a decade ago, we are smarter and more efficient in our pro-democracy efforts. We are less hesitant to speak out when democratic standards have been breached. And we have moved beyond celebrating democracy's growth to taking specific steps to sustain it. All this is to the good.

But in looking ahead, we must also develop a consensus approach to globalization.

This is complicated because the new technologies constitute both a powerful integrative force and a painfully divisive one. They are bringing us closer together, but they are also creating a new separation between those who are skilled in their use and those who are not.

If democracy is to prosper, we must bridge these divisions through approaches that neither shrink from change, nor disregard the problems it creates.

A good place to begin is by recognizing the connection between democracy and a more prosperous and inclusive world economy.

Governments that are accountable are more likely to establish the legal and regulatory framework that will attract investment; more likely to devote their own resources in educating and training their people; and more likely to make effective use of outside assistance.

This is especially true when the impetus for democratic free market reforms comes from within. Poland's impressive combination of democratic and developmental success is a prime example.

Unfortunately, some countries possess the will to reform, but lack the resources to do so effectively.

That is why the United States has led in supporting relief for the most heavily indebted poor countries, and in supporting the use of that relief to meet urgent social needs. Such help is especially vital to new democracies that must dig themselves out from under the burdens left behind by profligate and corrupt dictators.

The United States has also moved, with the help of Congress, to further open our markets to friends in the Caribbean and Africa--and we hope soon in Southeast Europe, as well. Trade alone is no ticket to freedom, but the economic benefits it brings and the wider contacts it creates can help societies move in the right direction.

One of our greatest challenges is to forge a common approach to issues that arise at the intersections of trade and labor. In so doing, we must acknowledge differences, but not let them prevent us from working together where shared values make that possible.

For example, a highly industrialized nation with a well-trained workforce will have a substantial competitive advantage in productivity. A developing nation with a large, but less well-trained workforce, will have a comparative advantage in labor costs.

These advantages must be respected. After all, the very purpose of trade is to enable us to benefit from our differences.

At the same time, the purpose of our international economic system is to lift the quality of life and work for all people. It is not to cut costs at all costs.

Every country and corporation has an obligation to observe internationally recognized core labor standards. We should do all that we can to see that they do. Because labor rights are an integral part of the larger fabric of democratic rights, and respect for them contributes both to freedom and to prosperity.

We should also recognize and build on the connection between democracy and the environment.

Governments that are not accountable tend not to be responsible. And if citizens are denied the right to participate in shaping decisions, they are also likely to be denied the clean air, safe water and productive land required to lead decent lives.

This is why the United States, through USAID, has established a clear link between environmental and democracy initiatives in more than a dozen countries, including Indonesia.

Finally, we need to make the information revolution work for freedom.

We should not allow the problems associated with globalization to obscure its stunning promise. Information wants to be free. And, in fact, the Internet is the Community of Democracies' technological mirror image. Both are global; both draw their strength from the grassroots; both are open to new entrants; both depend on interaction among individuals and groups; and both can help foster prosperity that is broadly shared.

If knowledge is power, nothing could be more democratic than an instrument capable of transmitting a library's worth of information in an eyeblink to anyone, anywhere, at any time.

Nothing could be more useful to the world's democrats than a means for comparing notes, sharing ideas, and planning for the future across every border and frontier.

And nothing should do more than the new technologies to create a sense of common cause between the architects of economic modernization and the advocates of political freedom.

For these technologies will thrive where traditional democratic rights are protected and new ideas welcomed. And the new industries will invest where local populations have access to computers and the freedom to use them.

At the same time, democratic societies will benefit from the availability of the Internet as a practical tool for conveying information about how to build and sustain free institutions.

For example, the Local Government Information Network, or LOGIN, will allow participants from Central Europe to Central Asia to exchange information, legislative ideas and lessons learned. And the "Anti-Corruption Without Borders" network in Latin America is a virtual forum for NGOs seeking to improve accountability and reduce corruption.

We are also learning more about the Internet's potential to aid development by connecting the previously disconnected to the knowledge they need, and the opportunities they could never before have considered. That is why, over the next decade, we will have the opportunity, the responsibility, and a compelling interest in narrowing dramatically the digital divide within and between our countries.

If supporters of democracy are to be united, we must all see that globalization is proving a source not of marginalization, but of empowerment; and that more people in more places are gaining the means to shape their own lives--which is, after all, what democracy is all about.

We have come to Warsaw this week from many different directions, after traveling many different roads.

We represent different cultures, recall different pasts, and reflect different philosophies of life. But we are bound together by the belief that every person has the right to be free, and by the conviction that upon that right, the future of people everywhere depends.

We are bound, as well, by the knowledge that the responsibility for defending freedom and for its growth has passed into our hands.

A decade or two from now, we will be known as the generation that allowed democratic momentum to shift into reverse; or as the leaders whose joint efforts helped millions more to realize democracy's promise.

We will be known as the generation that allowed technology to drive a deeper wedge within and between nations; or as the visionaries who harnessed technology to unite people and expand freedom.

We will be known as the generation that allowed differences over tactics and technicalities to paralyze it in the face of freedom's foes; or as the doers who forged a Community of Democracies which became a bulwark of support for liberty around the equator and from pole to pole.

As I look around this hall, I am convinced that we will make the right choices--honoring our differences, but determined together that government of, by and for the people shall prosper in this decade and for many generations to come.

Thank you all very much.