For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
February 25, 2003
Press Briefing by Ari Fleischer
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
Audio
12:26 P.M. EST
MR. FLEISCHER: Good afternoon. The President began his morning
with a phone call to Prime Minister Simitis of Greece. It was a warm
exchange of views. The President congratulated the Prime Minister on
Greece's leadership as EU President, including the work the EU has done
on the issue of Iraq. The President expressed his determination that
Saddam Hussein be disarmed, and his commitment to support a strong U.N.
position on Iraqi disarmament. Both leaders discussed the strong
United States-Greek cooperation in the war on terrorism. The leaders
noted their strong support for U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan's
settlement plan dealing with the situation in Cyprus, and the two
pledged to do everything possible to foster settlement, as outlined in
the Secretary General's plan.
The President also called Prime Minister Dzurinda of Slovakia, and
they had a very friendly conversation. They agreed on the importance
of disarming Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. And the President
made clear that U.S. efforts to find a solution through the United
Nations, but he reiterated the United States' demand that Saddam
disarm.
From there, the President had an intelligence briefing and an FBI
briefing. He met with the Prime Minister of Bulgaria, which was a very
warm and cordial discussion between two leaders and two friends.
Bulgaria, of course, is a non-permanent member of the U.N. Security
Council. They discussed the efforts of the United Nations to disarm
Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. The President made clear his
determination to disarm Iraq. The President also said he looked
forward to Bulgaria's membership in NATO, and welcomed Bulgaria's
support and friendship. The President made clear that Bulgaria can
count on the United States' friendship.
From there, the President had a meeting with the National Economic
Council to talk about the latest trends in the economy and to receive a
status report on the economic plan that he has proposed to the Congress
to help the economy to grow faster. And later this afternoon, the
President will welcome to the White House a group of Republican House
and Senate leaders to discuss the upcoming congressional agenda.
One final item, and then I'll be happy to take your questions. I
want to draw your attention to a letter that has gone up to the Hill
today from Judge Alberto Gonzales concerning the Senate's failure to
move forward on the nomination of Miguel Estrada. One of the issues
that a minority of Democrats have claimed is that they don't know
enough about Miguel Estrada, and so Judge Gonzales has put in writing
today a reiteration of the offer that Mr. Estrada remains available to
meet with each and every single Democratic senator to answer
appropriate questions that they may have about his nominations. Many
Democrats have not availed themselves of the opportunity that has
already been offered to meet with Mr. Estrada. And so this offer has
been made once again.
Q Ari, given the fact that the President has talked about the
potential conflict with Iraq as a continuation of the war on terror, if
an opportunity presents itself, would the President authorize the
assassination of Saddam Hussein, and did he tell a U.S. senator that,
in fact, he would do that?
MR. FLEISCHER: The executive order that deals with these matters
remains in place. And that guides the --
Q What is that?
MR. FLEISCHER: There is an executive order that prohibits the
assassination of foreign leaders, and that remains in place. So that's
the answer to your question. Now, of course, in the event of military
conflict, command and control are different matters, it is well-known,
in accordance with previous practice and the law. And that is
reflected in anything the President would have done or said.
Q But the question is, if the opportunity presented itself,
would he rescind that order and take that shot? So did he say that to
Senator --
MR. FLEISCHER: I've looked into it; I can't confirm that he did
say it. I do not see that --
Q Did you ask him about it?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President doesn't recall if he said it or
didn't say it. The staff doesn't recall the President saying it. But
bottom line remains the same, the executive order is in place, and so
it's a hypothetical that doesn't exist.
Q Well, but it's not a hypothetical in the sense that this is,
as he says, a continuation of the war on terror. And we know it was
rescinded with regard to Osama bin Laden. Why shouldn't it be
rescinded with regard to Saddam Hussein? And we know that the
President wants to avoid war by having him exiled, or something else,
so would this be an --
MR. FLEISCHER: I think there is no question the world would be
better off if Saddam Hussein would leave Iraq, would disarm, and the
situation could be resolved differently. That remains the President's
hope. And in the event anything changes, and nothing is planned to
change, I will let you know. But there is nothing that has changed it,
it remains in place. That's the facts.
Q -- a question I want to ask on a different subject. Can
you explain, first, what you meant by the rules of engagement or
military conflict? I assume that means the executive order does not
apply in military conflict. Could you explain it --
MR. FLEISCHER: It's the longstanding policy about command and
control.
Q And how would that apply to the potential assassination of a
leader of a country that we are invading?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think that in the event there were hostilities,
all military commanders could be part of a war operation. I don't
think it would surprise anybody to think that if we go to war in Iraq
and hostilities result, command and control and top generals, people
who are in charge of fighting the war to kill the United States troops,
cannot assume that they will be safe.
Q Including the head of that --
MR. FLEISCHER: Of course, including Saddam Hussein. of course.
Q The directive actually says that?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, we're talking -- we're not talking about the
directive. We're talking about in the event of war.
Q I want to follow up, if I could, on the question the
President was asked about sacrifice. He was asked, what sacrifice, if
we were to go to war, would face U.S. troops, their families, and the
American public. He just mentioned that U.S. troops will be put in
harm's way. Won't there be greater sacrifice on the families and the
American public? And if so, what sacrifice could the public, troops,
and their families expect to see if we go were to go to war?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think the immediate sacrifice is already
being felt by military families, as they have seen before when their
loved ones were deployed. The military life is a very honorable and
worthy way of life, which is why so many Americans volunteer for it.
And we're a better nation for it, thanks to them. And part of that is
the sacrifices that families make; that husbands make when their wives
are deployed, that wives make when their husbands are deployed, and
that families make then their parents are away. And that has been part
and parcel of the American tradition.
And the President, as he visits military bases, enjoys very much
meeting with military families and talking to them and assuring them
that he will do everything possible to bring their loved one home
safely. And America's military is not a stranger to these type of
sacrifices. They are already making them.
Q -- if we get to go to war, what sacrifices U.S. troops or
families and the American public?
MR. FLEISCHER: To state the obvious, if we go to war, lives can be
lost. And the President is keenly aware of that. And the only reason
to go to war would be to save lives, in the President's judgment.
Q Dr. Blix has said this morning at the U.N. that he's received
a number of letters from the Iraqis which, apparently, report the
destruction of chemical and biological weapons. It says that they
reported a warhead filled with liquid, and he was asked if this
amounted to substantive cooperation, and he answered, yes. Your
reaction?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, this is exactly what the President predicted,
that as the pressure grows on Iraq, Iraq will all of a sudden -- and
this is the very nature of the problem with Iraq -- that all of a
sudden, Iraq will start to discover weapons that they said that they
never had, and they'll produce documents when they said they gave them
all to us already. They already gave the United Nations, and swore to
it, a full and final, complete declaration of all the weapons they
produced, per Security Council Resolution 1441. Lo and behold, as the
pressure grows, new documents are produced. Lo and behold, as the
pressure grows, they find weapons when they said they didn't have any.
Lo and behold, why Saddam Hussein cannot be trusted.
Q You hear in this press room every day what will be the dollar
cost of war. What will be the human cost? The President has never
been on a battlefield. Does he -- has he gotten any estimate of how
many people will die in this? And I have a follow-up.
MR. FLEISCHER: The President approaches -- and I'm going to
answer your question -- the President approaches it first from the
question of, if the world fails to act, what will be the human price
around the world of Saddam Hussein either directly attacking with the
biological and chemical weapons that he has, Americans and America's
interests abroad --
Q -- be contained now?
MR. FLEISCHER: Can I answer your question? The President
approaches it in the issue of, if Saddam Hussein is not brought to
justice by the world, does not disarm, what will be the price on the
world, the human price on the world? How many lives will be lost as a
result of Saddam Hussein this time ordering a chemical or biological
attack against Americans, when we know he's done it against his own
people before?
The President also asks the question, if Saddam Hussein is able to
get weapons into the hands of terrorists who would strike at our
shores, what is the price the American people would pay if that
happens?
Q What has he done --
MR. FLEISCHER: If the President makes the judgment to go to war,
it's impossible to predict what the price will be, in terms of lives.
You heard the President today say in the Oval Office, one of his
greatest worries are the innocents of Iraq, who will be targeted by
Saddam Hussein for killing, by Saddam, in an effort to create another
ploy around the world where Saddam kills his own people and tries to
blame it on somebody else.
Q What has he done in the last 12 years? And why do you keep
subliminally linking up 9/11 with the Iraqi thing? Do you have an
actual link? Can you really prove it?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the point the President makes about 9/11 is
that prior to 9/11 it was much easier for the American people to sit
back and think that terrorism was something that affected maybe our
embassies abroad or people in other countries in faraway lands. After
9/11 it became very clear that there are people who have a clear
desire, and they will do it again if they can, to attack the United
States.
Q Iraqis?
MR. FLEISCHER: They can be any number of people. And what we do
worry about is them getting their weapons from the Iraqis, and then
coming to the United States to commit more crimes.
Q But could they get them from the Chinese, the Russians, the
United States, Russia?
MR. FLEISCHER: They can get them from any number of places. I
think it's far likely --
Q So why the focus?
MR. FLEISCHER: Because I think, in the President's judgment, based
on intelligence, it's far less likely that they will get them from, as
you just said, Helen, the United States than it is Iraq.
Q I'd like to come back to the question of assassinating Saddam
Hussein. Senator Fitzgerald says he had a conversation with the
President in which he, George W. Bush, said he would rescind the
executive order banning assassinations of foreign leaders if he had a
clear shot at Saddam Hussein. Is Senator Fitzgerald making that up, is
he mistaken? What are we to -- there's a credibility contest here,
and I'm just wondering how to resolve it.
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't think it's that case at all. First of all,
the President, as I said to you, has left the executive order in place,
hasn't he. The executive order is in place. Now, I can't speak for
every conversation that anybody has. I know that Senator Fitzgerald is
not quite certain of the date it took place or where it took place. It
may have been a year ago, he says. So I think there is some
uncertainty in Senator Fitzgerald's mind about it.
But what is not uncertain is that the executive order is in place.
And what's not uncertain is that the world would be better off without
Saddam Hussein. And the President hopes that this issue can be
resolved peacefully by Saddam Hussein leaving Iraq. And if Saddam
Hussein and all his top officials were to leave Iraq, the world would
be a better place.
Q So the executive order remains in place?
MR. FLEISCHER: Correct.
Q If I could ask about the substance of what Senator Fitzgerald
is saying. Is the President prepared to rescind that executive order
if he gets good enough intelligence to give him a, "clear shot," and
assassinate Saddam Hussein?
MR. FLEISCHER: Much like Mr. Gregory's question, my answer is the
same. You're talking about a hypothetical, and if something were to
change, I would try to keep you informed. But it remains in place.
Q One more question. The Prime Minister of Bulgaria, out at
the stakeout, said that in the context of his conversation with the
President on Iraq, "The topic of possible guarantees for Bulgaria came
up."
MR. FLEISCHER: That's what I was alluding to when I said that the
President, in his meeting with the Prime Minister of Bulgaria, talked
about the friendship; he made clear that Bulgaria can count on United
States' friendship. And Bulgaria, along with other nations, of course,
we have a strategic partnership with, we have an interest in.
Bulgaria, of course, has bases. And so there are issues that would, of
course, have to be discussed with the United States Congress. But
Bulgaria has the friendship of the United States, the President said.
No specifics, though, Terry. It was a generalized conversation --
not specific.
Q All right. But are we to assume that Bulgaria's support is,
in part, contingent on financial or other guarantees?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think Bulgaria's support has been early and
robust.
Q The U.S. Ambassador to France says a French veto would be
very unfriendly. Is that a fair statement?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, of course, we'll continue to work
diplomatically at the United Nations with all the other nations. And
France has a role to play, and we will see exactly what role they play
and how this comes to be. I can assure you, based on the conversation
the President had several days ago with Prime Minister Chirac,
relations remain friendly. Of course, we are interested in what France
will do. We are interested in what all nations on the Security Council
will do. It is important.
Q What about John Bolton's statement to the Russians saying
that war is coming? Do you stand by that statement, as well?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, actually, I looked in the newspaper, and
that's not an accurate quote from what Mr. Bolton said. The paper does
report that that's what Mr. Bolton said. And I think it's a senior
administration official describing what they say Mr. Bolton said. And
they didn't say war is coming, they used different words.
But I talked to Mr. Bolton this morning, and Mr. Bolton has had his
own event in Moscow where he has already said publicly that he made
clear that we look forward to working with Russia and other nations on
the Security Council, and that this remains an issue that can be
settled peacefully, that the President hopes to avert war. But,
clearly, the President has made plain, as everybody here knows, that if
Saddam Hussein does not disarm, the President will assemble a coalition
to disarm him. So there remains a possibility for peace; there remains
an off ramp. The only person standing in the way of the off ramp is
Saddam Hussein. If Saddam Hussein disarms, we can take the off ramp.
Q Two questions. First, back on the assassination issue, you
were somewhat short of an ironclad guarantee that the presidential
order is in place permanently. What you seem to be suggesting was if
that changes, let us know. What you're saying essentially is the
President has the right to rescind that at any moment, since it is a
presidential directive, and you're saying he retains the right to do
that if he gets the clear shot that was being discussed?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I said I'm not going to speculate about the
future. If you're asking a procedural question, then you know the
procedure as well as I do. But if you're asking about a question that
is hypothetical about, tell me what the future will be, will an
executive order be in place or not in place, the only answer is, it is
in place, it remains in place. If anything were to change -- and
this is not an indication that this may change -- but if anything
were to change, I would do my best to let you know. But there's
nothing I can indicate for you.
Q The second question, about Secretary Powell's trip. The
President has made it clear on several occasions that he wants to solve
the North Korea problem in harmony with South Korea and with China.
There was very little we saw in the public statements of either the
Chinese or the South Koreans to suggest that, in fact, they're headed
in that direction. Do you have any reason to believe that we are now
any closer to putting together that kind of a coalition than we were
before the Secretary --
MR. FLEISCHER: I think there's no question there is a coalition of
Russia, China, South Korea, Japan and the United States who sees this
issue eye-to-eye and shoulder-to-shoulder. We all believe that the
North Korean peninsula, the Korean peninsula needs to be
denuclearized. Now, it is important for all to put their shoulder to
the wheel to work together to put pressure on North Korea to help make
that a reality.
We continue to discuss that with our allies. Some nations do more
publicly; some nations do more quietly. We'll continue to work
together, however, to get the same message to North Korea.
Q The President started the war against terrorism in
Afghanistan, especially, after 9/11. And I hope he has seen today's
Washington Post editorial, and which I have been saying for many
months, that al Qaeda and Taliban are -- they have a hub in Pakistan
and they are regrouping. Since President and U.S. is engaged with the
war in Iraq, they are trying to get advantage attacking the -- and
also, the Washington Post said that Musharraf has come back to telling
the Indian government, the world's largest democracy. My question is
how is the President going to deal with this one front where he
started, and now Iraq?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the President made clear in his speech to the
country on September 20, 2001, just some nine days after the attack,
that this is a global war against terrorism. And since the United
States launched the counter-strike against al Qaeda, who carried out
the attacks on September 11th, al Qaeda has been dispersed into many
different places. They have been rattled, they have been dismantled in
part. They still remain an organization that tries to regroup, and
they are regrouping wherever they can. And that's not only in
Afghanistan or in portions of Pakistan, but around the globe. And this
is why the President is involved with our allies in a global effort to
make certain that we continue to disrupt their activities.
Now, there are portions of Pakistan that are very hard to police.
But Pakistan is a stalwart ally of the United States intelligence his
effort. They have been and they remain. They do their very level-best
and they cooperate very strongly with the United States in our efforts
to bring al Qaeda to justice, wherever they are.
Q Ari, I want to ask a question about the economy, but first,
one more try on this assassination issue. You're saying the President
recalls none -- nothing about any conversation with Senator
Fitzgerald on this general subject?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think given --
Q Is it possible he said something to the effect of if -- not
in the context of the assassination ban, but in the context of if
there's a military action, I sure hope we get a shot at him, or
something like that?
MR. FLEISCHER: Given the fact that, in this case, the Senator is
not even sure what day, and it could have been a year ago, that he's
not quite certain, I think this is fairly understandable. But no,
there's nothing to add beyond what I've indicated on the topic.
Q In the meeting with the National Economic Council, has the
President given any detailed information from his advisors on what they
think the impact is, perhaps short-term, but the current impact of the
uncertainty about the prospect of war on financial markets, on the
state of the U.S. economy, the growth rate? Any context you could put
that in?
MR. FLEISCHER: Yes, this has been repeatedly discussed with the
President at various meetings -- the National Economic Council and
other meetings. And -- somebody's telephone.
The tenor of the conversation is just as you outlined it. In
discussions with people in private sector and business, there is a risk
premium. There is uncertainty in the economy as a result of people
withholding on investments, withholding on decisions to spend,
particularly large capital expenditures, waiting to see if there is any
clear resolution about the situation in Iraq. The President
understands that. There are other factors in the economy, as well,
that are important.
And this is why, war or no war, the President urges the Congress to
pass the economic plan that he has sent up there. Whether we go to
war, or whether war can be averted, it still remains a fundamental
domestic mission of the Congress to help move the economy forward. And
so this remains something -- as you've seen, the President
repeatedly, even in the context of what's happening in Iraq, travels
around the country to make the case for his economic plan. He held a
meeting of the National Economic Council today. He will continue to
bang the drum and to urge Congress to act.
Q Is it a factor, maybe not a primary factor, but is it a
significant factor in the timetable decision --
MR. FLEISCHER: No.
Q -- that the longer you leave the uncertainty over the
economy --
MR. FLEISCHER: Absolutely not. No, any decision the President
makes about going to war will be based on strategic issues and whether
or not Saddam Hussein will comply and disarm.
Q Ari, we've seen a lot of numbers thrown out about the cost of
a potential war. Clearly, there have been costs already accrued from
the deployment. What efforts have been made and are being made, are
being contemplated to get others in this coalition to share the costs?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, as I indicated this morning on the same
question, that, as always, nations around the world will contribute in
different ways to the mission. It's not my place to speak for other
nations around the world. I do not expect you will see a repeat of
what happened to the same degree in 1991 with the sharing that took
place at that time. But nations will contribute in varieties of
different ways.
Q My question is, what efforts are we making to get, to seek
contributions? I'm not asking you to predict what governments will
do.
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, in all cases when we talk about the coalition
of the willing, conversations involve a variety of different means that
different nations are in a position to assist with. It can be
political; it can be intelligence sharing; it can be basing or
overflights; it can be combat, in some cases. That's the tenor of the
discussions -- it's broad and it asks people to contribute as they
see best.
Q Yes, though you and other officials have said the President
has not yet made the decision to go to war, is it fair to say that the
administration has decided that the inspections have reached a
dead-end?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, the President has not come to the conclusion
that the inspections have reached a dead-end. But the discovery of the
R-400 bomb in Iraq this morning leads one to the following question:
Iraq, on April 3rd, 1991, was instructed under Resolution 687 to
destroy all the weapons it has. Given the fact -- and when they were
instructed to destroy those weapons under 687, they were given 45 days
to destroy them. Given the fact that another weapon has been found
today, 4,294 days after they were instructed to destroy all their
weapons, it does raise questions about whether Iraq ever intends to
comply with disarmament or not. When we keep finding weapons that they
say they never had, and when they were given a 45-day time frame in
which to disarm, 4,000 days later we're finding more.
Q One other question, if I may. Canada, in an effort to find
some middle ground that might keep the Security Council together on
this, has suggested the idea of some sort of deadline of a few weeks,
at which point if Iraq has not fully disarmed, then the Security
Council would move forward with other options. Does that hold any
attraction at all for the administration, if it were a matter of a few
weeks?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, again, the President has said this will be
settled in a matter of weeks, not months. And the last time Iraq was
given a deadline by the United Nations Security Council, or one time in
this instance where they were given a specific deadline to destroy,
they were given 45 days, and just this morning, 4,000 days later, we
found another weapon.
Q This morning the President said, again, that he doesn't think
he needs this resolution. Is that message intended -- what is that
intended to do? Because it could be the signal to other countries that
you're -- either get on board or the train is leaving; less a message
about what he thinks is important, as a signal to them, that now is
your last opportunity.
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the President's message is this is a chance
for the United Nations to be relevant. There is no question about it.
After all, if the United Nations passes a resolution that says, Iraq
must disarm immediately, and then the United Nations says, immediately
really means 12 years, what kind of signal are they sending to the next
proliferator? What message are they sending about the ability of the
international system to maintain the peace and fight proliferation?
And this is why the President has changed the equation in New York,
and he has said it is important for the United Nations to have value
and to have meaning for resolutions to be backed up. Otherwise, it's a
paper society. It's not a meaningful society to keep the peace.
That's what's at stake here.
Q But does he intend to signal to the other countries that it's
now or you're not in --
MR. FLEISCHER: The signal has been sent. The President sent the
signal September 12th when he called on the United Nations to be
relevant. Go back to his September 12th speech. This is what's at
stake, the message that work up the Security Council and the members of
the U.N. on September 12th. It still remains to be seen whether the
United Nations heard that message, after four years of inaction on
Iraq.
Q But it seems to echo the reports of what Bolton told Russia,
which is essentially, the President is saying, I'm going to do what I'm
going to do.
MR. FLEISCHER: Jean, you know very well the President has said
that one way or another Saddam Hussein will be disarmed. He hopes it
will be through the United Nations.
Q Two questions; one relates to your answer to Jim's question.
The fact that Iraq is dribbling this stuff out late and under pressure,
you take the lesson that they can't be trusted, that they don't intend
to comply. Could that not be turned around and used by the French and
others to make the argument that the pressure is working; inspections
are working; inspections backed by pressure, backed by the threat of
armed force are slowly wringing this stuff out of Iraq and there's no
need to --
MR. FLEISCHER: Here's the problem with it: Iraq this morning says
they found an R-400 bomb, which is not a small item. The United
Nations inspectors, when they left the country, said there were 400
such weapons unaccounted for. Now we found one; where are the other
399? How much time does Saddam Hussein want to dribble those out? The
inspectors said when they left the country that Iraq had 30,000
unfilled chemical munitions; the inspectors have found 16. Where are
the other 29,000? And how much time can we give Saddam Hussein to
dribble those out?
This not about Saddam Hussein being given time to dribble out the
weapons that he says he never had in the first place; it's about
complete disarmament so the world can breathe easy that Saddam Hussein
is not hiding the weapons that he has for the purpose of using them
against Americans or others, just as he's used weapons against his own
people and other nations.
We're going to have to keep moving here because --
Q I have two questions, Ari. The first one, you said twice
today that the world would be better served if Saddam Hussein were to
leave Iraq. Is the United States willing to give any guarantees if he
leaves that he won't be persecuted or prosecuted --
MR. FLEISCHER: I think that would remain an international issue.
That would be a matter for the international community to discuss. But
let's hope we can get to the point where it becomes a matter of
discussion. It would be good for the world. It would be good for
everyone if he would leave.
Q And next question, on Venezuela, President Chavez has
criticized directly the United States government, Spain, Colombia and
even the Secretary General of the OAS -- to mediate the Venezuelan
crisis. What is the White House position on the criticism of Mr.
Chavez?
MR. FLEISCHER: One of the key issues here in bringing a peaceful
resolution to the situation in Venezuela is for the will of the
international community to be listened and not be disregarded when the
international community focuses on peaceful dialogue. So this is --
any such language from President Chavez, the confrontational rhetoric
is unwarranted, is unnecessary and is not helpful. Inflammatory
statements by President Chavez are not helpful in advancing the
dialogue that is necessary to maintain peace in Venezuela.
Q Ari, you've said the President doesn't recall having such a
conversation with Senator Fitzgerald. You are not, however, ruling out
that such a conversation might have taken place, is that correct?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm just telling you what the discussion was.
Q You're not saying there's no way he could ever have said
anything like this?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm just telling you what the discussion was. The
President doesn't recall ever saying that.
Q Ari, last week, the President described, in reacting to
protests around the world, literally millions of people, he said --
he likened that to a focus group, which we all in this room know to be
a time-honored thing, a group of 10 to 20 to 30 to 40 people
representing, perhaps, a cross-section of opinion. Did he really mean
to draw that kind of a comparison?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, the point the President was making is that you
don't make policy based on the fact that a poll or some other device
suggests that this may be the opinion of one group of people, or not.
Q The administration -- sorry, North Korea. You yourself
this morning spoke of this latest missile test as the North Koreans way
of saying, please, pay me.
MR. FLEISCHER: Correct.
Q Are you operating on the assumption that that's what they're
asking for? They're asking for some sort of economic or other
concession? And are you dismissing the possibility that they just want
these weapons either for themselves, because of their paranoia, or to
sell them to other people?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, one of the best ways to gauge a country's
future intentions is to judge its actions in the past. And this is why
the President is so concerned about Saddam Hussein and puts it in a
different category from North Korea. North Korea in the past has
engaged in saber-rattling and engaged in brinkmanship in an effort to
get rewards by the international community, often in the form of
payments of one type or another. That has been, for them, on manner of
carrying out diplomacy. The President has said that he believes that
the best way to deal with North Korea is through focusing on elements
that promote peace. Saber-rattling by North Korea does not promote
peace. But the President has made clear that they will not be rewarded
for their bad behavior.
Q I guess a couple of weeks ago when the President himself
suggested, look, if we can get beyond this nuclear issue, there are
things that the world community could do that would benefit the North
Koreans, and the North Koreans did not respond at all to that. Quite
the contrary, they were even more bellicose.
MR. FLEISCHER: Diplomacy takes time, and the President will
continue to pursue it.
Q Two things, front page Washington --
MR. FLEISCHER: We're going to -- the one question rule has to be
in effect because I'm going to have to be in the Oval at 1:05 p.m.
Q The front of the Washington Post yesterday, on the front page
reported that it felt many people in the world increasingly think that
President Bush is a greater threat to world peace than Iraqi President
Saddam Hussein. Why do you think that millions of people around the
world hold that view?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't think that -- number one, the President
is going to do what he thinks is right representing the American
people. And when you look at what the American people think is right,
the American people strongly support the President's efforts to bring
peace and to make certain that Saddam Hussein is disarmed so that he
cannot harm the peace. That's the President's focus.
Q But why do you think millions of people hold that view?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm not in a position to judge it. I can tell you
that I've seen the President travel abroad. And for example, when he
was in Bucharest, hundreds of thousands turned out in the streets of
Bucharest to welcome the American President.
Q What does the administration make about this terrorism threat
against the America's Cup participants in New Zealand? And is there a
message here to America's friends, even if they oppose the efforts
against Saddam Hussein?
MR. FLEISCHER: Connie, I don't have anything specific on that
threat. I have seen the reports of it. But again, it's a reminder why
this is a worldwide fight against terror wherever we may find it.
Q Is it accurate to presume that the President can rescind his
order regarding assassination just with the stroke of his pen? And
therefore, could he just rescind it one minute and have Saddam dead the
next?
MR. FLEISCHER: This has been answered before. It remains in
place, and you know the procedure with executive orders.
Q I know it remains in place, but in order to get rid of it,
all it would require is a stroke of his pen?
MR. FLEISCHER: It's an executive order.
Q How do you get from the latest U.N. resolution, and, in
effect, all the previous U.N. resolutions to a top-to-bottom regime
change? That issue is not addressed in any of these resolutions.
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the President has always, from September 12th
forward, approached this on a two-pronged policy. One is to rally the
international community in the cause of disarmament. And the President
has called on, and the United Nations has called on Saddam Hussein to
disarm. We continue to hope that he will do so peacefully.
It remains also the policy of the United States for regime change.
Clearly, if Saddam Hussein will not disarm, and if force is used, you
would not think for even a second that if we use force we'll use force
for the purpose of leaving Saddam Hussein in charge.
Q Did we just unilaterally glom that on to the U.N. resolution,
and say, okay, the U.N. approves this --
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, again, think it through logically. If force
is used, can you conceive of a scenario where we would use force and
say to Saddam Hussein, now that we've gone to war, please stay in
power?
Q How about enforced inspections?
MR. FLEISCHER: That's the whole issue. How do you enforce
inspections when it's 4,000 days after a 45-day deadline, and we now,
this morning, find a new weapon that they always said that they did not
have. It points out how the inspections don't work. We hope they can
work, but it points out that in the hands of Saddam Hussein, who, by
design, will thwart the inspectors, the inspections may not work. And
take the case of the Al Samoud II missile. Hans Blix has said that
they are prohibited weapons. They must be destroyed. And while we
thought that Saddam Hussein would indeed destroy them, you know what he
said yesterday.
Q Ari, when you said earlier -- the executive order aside --
when you said earlier that in the event of hostilities, military
commanders, including Saddam Hussein, cannot assume that they'll be
safe. Did you mean that they would be -- might be targeted? Or that
they could be hit by some, say, stray bullet or bomb?
MR. FLEISCHER: It's not my place to talk about specific targets or
sites. You'd have to talk to DOD. But again, to state the obvious, if
we go to war, you can assume that the top commanders of Iraq are going
to be under the suspicion of being the ones leading the war, of
course. And they should not assume they'll be safe.
Q I'm not talking about hardened targets. I'm talking about
people, when I said they'd be targets --
MR. FLEISCHER: There's no question that if you go to war, command
and control are legitimate targets under international law.
Q Ari, in Mexico, the President will continue to call President
Fox to pressure him to change his mind against -- and to vote in the
Security Council? What Mexico can get from the United States if it
votes yes for the resolution that was presented by this country?
MR. FLEISCHER: First of all, this entire matter will be dealt with
in a matter of diplomacy and logic and expressions of our position.
And nations then will be in a position as sovereigns to evaluate that
information. This is why the Security Council is set up with 10
members who rotate on to the Council. This is a moment for 10 nations
that would not typically be on the Security Council to have their
moment, as part of the international community's regimes to enforce
peace and to fight proliferation.
Q But Mexico can get something from the United States, from the
President --
MR. FLEISCHER: This is a time -- no, the President is not
offering quid pro quos. This is a time for nations to do what they
estimate is the right thing to do to promote the peace.
Q Ari, just to follow up on Mexico. Is it true that the
administration is willing to give Mexico some sort of immigration
agreements like amnesty or guest worker program, to assure the Mexican
vote, as the French press is pointing out today and is quoting,
actually, two different diplomats from the State Department?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, it's exactly as I indicated, that we have, on
this issue, a matter of diplomacy and a matter of the merits. We ask
each nation on the Security Council to weigh the merits and make a
decision about war and peace. And if anybody thinks that there are
nations like Mexico, whose vote could be bought on the basis of a trade
issue or something else like that, I think you're giving -- doing
grave injustice to the independence and the judgment of the leaders of
other nations.
Q -- the French press is quoting actually two different
diplomats from the United States State Department that -- they're
highlighting that the United States is giving some sort of agreements
or benefits to Colombia -- and other non-members of the Security
Council --
MR. FLEISCHER: I haven't seen the story. And you already have the
answer, about what this will be decided on. But think about the
implications of what you're saying. You're saying that the leaders of
other nations are buyable. And that is not an acceptable proposition.
(Laughter.)
Thank you.
END 1:03 P.M. EST
|