President Bush Discusses Early Transfer of Iraqi Sovereignty
Remarks by President Bush and Prime Minister Blair on Transfer of Iraqi Sovereignty
Hilton Istanbul
Istanbul, Turkey
4:55 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Good afternoon. Earlier today, 15 months after
the liberation of Iraq, and two days ahead of schedule, the world
witnessed the arrival of a free and sovereign Iraqi government. Iraqi
officials informed us that they are ready to assume power, and Prime
Minister Allawi believes that making this transition now is best for
his country. After decades of brutal rule by a terror regime, the
Iraqi people have their country back.
This is a day of great hope for Iraqis, and a day that terrorist
enemies hoped never to see. The terrorists are doing all they can to
stop the rise of a free Iraq. But their bombs and attacks have not
prevented Iraqi sovereignty, and they will not prevent Iraqi
democracy. Iraqi sovereignty is a tribute to the will of the Iraqi
people and the courage of Iraqi leaders.
This day also marks a proud moral achievement for members of our
coalition. We pledged to end a dangerous regime, to free the
oppressed, and to restore sovereignty. We have kept our word.
Fifteen months ago, Saddam's regime was an enemy of America and the
civilized world; today Iraq's government is an ally of both. Fifteen
months ago, Iraq was a state sponsor of terrorism; today Iraq's
leaders, with our support, are systematically fighting terrorists
across their country. Fifteen months ago, we faced the threat of a
dictator with a history of using weapons of mass destruction; today the
dictator is a threat to no one from the cell he now occupies. Fifteen
months ago, the regime in Baghdad was the most aggressive in the Middle
East, and a constant source of fear and alarm for Iraq's neighbors;
today Iraq threatens no other country and its democratic progress will
be an example to the broader Middle East. Fifteen months ago, Iraq was
ruled by a regime that brutalized and tortured its own people, murdered
hundreds of thousands, and buried them in mass graves. Today Iraqis
live under a government that strives for justice, upholds the rule of
law, and defends the dignity of every citizen.
Iraq today still has many challenges to overcome -- we recognize
that. But it is a world away from the tormented, exhausted and
isolated country we found last year. Now the transfer of sovereignty
begins a new phase in Iraq's progress toward full democracy. Together,
with the Iraqi government, we're moving forward on every element of our
five-part plan for Iraqi self-government.
Iraq's interim government has gained broad international support,
and has been endorsed by the U.N. Security Council. The United States
and our coalition partners are helping prepare Iraqis for the defense
of their own country, and we appreciate NATO's decision to approve
Prime Minister Allawi's request for assistance in training Iraqi
security forces -- in training the Iraqi security forces. We're
helping Iraqis rebuild their country's infrastructure, and Iraq will
move -- continue moving toward free elections, with important
assistance from the United Nations.
All this
progress is being attacked by foreign terrorists
and by thugs from the fallen regime. The terrorists know they face defeat
unless they break the spirit and commitment of the civilized world.
The civilized world will not be frightened or intimidated. And Iraq's
new leaders have made their position clear: Prime Minister Allawi
recently said that "the insurgents are trying to destroy our country,
and we're not going to allow this."
The struggle is, first and foremost, an Iraqi struggle. The Prime
Minister said of his people, "We're prepared to fight, and if
necessary, die for these objectives." America, Great Britain, our
coalition respect that spirit and the Iraqi people will not stand
alone.
The United States military and our coalition partners have made a
clear, specific and continuing mission in Iraq. As we train Iraqi
security forces, we'll help those forces to find and destroy the
killers. We'll protect infrastructure from the attacks. We'll provide
security for the upcoming elections. Operating in a sovereign nation,
our military will act in close consultation with the Iraqi government.
Yet coalition forces will remain under coalition command. Iraq's Prime
Minister and President have told me that their goal is to eventually
take full responsibility for the security of their country. And
America wants Iraqi forces to take that role. Our military will stay
as long as the stability of Iraq requires, and only as long as their
presence is needed and requested by the Iraqi government.
Today, at the moment sovereignty was transferred, the mission of
the Coalition Provisional Authority came to an end. Ambassador Jerry
Bremer has been tireless and dedicated, and he returns home, with the
thanks of his country. Thousands of American civilians have labored
for progress in Iraq under difficult and sometimes dangerous
conditions. They also have our gratitude.
From the first hours of Operation Iraqi Freedom and to this very
hour, in their battles against the terrorists, America's men and women
in uniform have been unrelenting in the performance of their duty.
They've had staunch allies, like Great Britain, at their side. We
asked a lot of our military, and there's still much hard work ahead.
We're grateful for the sacrifice of all who've served. We honor the
memory of all who've died. The courage of our military has brought us
to this hopeful day, and the continued service of our military assures
the success of our cause.
In Iraq, we're serving the cause of liberty, and liberty is always
worth fighting for. In Iraq, we're serving the cause of peace, by
promoting progress and hope in the Middle East, and as the alternative
to stagnation and hatred and violence for export. In Iraq, we're
serving the cause of our own security, striking the terrorists where we
find them, instead of waiting for them to strike us at home.
For all these reasons, we accepted a
difficult
task in Iraq. And for all these reasons, we will finish that task.
Mr. Prime Minister.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Thank you, Mr. President.
Today is, obviously, an important staging post on the journey of
the people of Iraq towards a new future, one in which democracy
replaces dictatorship; in which freedom replaces repression; and of
which all the people of Iraq can look forward to the possibility and
the hope of an Iraq that genuinely guarantees a future for people from
whatever part of Iraq they come.
I think it's just worth reflecting for a moment on what we now have
before us, because today, of course, is extremely important. It's the
transfer of real and full sovereignty to the people and the government
of Iraq. From now on, the coalition changes. We are there in support
of the Iraqi government and the Iraqi people.
And what you have very clearly, therefore, is on one side you have
the Iraqi government, the Iraqi people, the international community,
that has now spoken through the United Nations, who want a free,
stable, pluralist, democratic Iraq; and on the other hand, you have
some of the former Saddam supporters, you have outside terrorists, you
have fanatics and extremists of one sort or another who want to stop
the possibility of that new Iraq happening.
And, of course, it's going to carry on being difficult and
dangerous. There was the tragic loss of a British soldier today, and
many American servicemen have died. Many Iraqi civilians have died.
Many of those who are joining up to the new Iraqi security services
have died, have given their lives. But they've all given their lives
in the cause of trying to provide a different and better future for the
people of Iraq.
And I think what is interesting about this situation is that, for
those people who are there in Iraq causing this death and destruction,
they have a very, very clear and simple objective. And the objective
is not just to destabilize Iraq, to produce chaos, to produce
bloodshed, to try and prevent democracy; the strategy of these
terrorists is to try and prevent Iraq becoming a symbol of hope not
just for the Iraqi people, but, actually, for that region and the wider
world.
And that is why, in a very real sense, because al Qaeda and other
terrorists groups are actually there in Iraq now, what is happening in
Iraq, the battle in Iraq, the battle for Iraq and its future, if you
like, is, in a genuine sense, the front line of the battle against
terrorism and the new security threat that we face.
And that security threat is what has dominated our discussion here
at the NATO summit. And that security threat, which is about this new
and poisonous and evil form of extremism, linked to a perversion of the
true faith of Islam, and repressive, unstable states that proliferate
in and deal in chemical, biological, nuclear weapons -- that security
threat is the threat of our times.
And the reason why it is so important that NATO fulfills its
functions, in respect of Afghanistan and Iraq, is that in both those
countries, the same struggle for democracy and freedom is going on.
And you can see in Afghanistan -- yes, of course, there are still
tremendous difficulties -- but two-and-a-half million refugees have
returned there, girls are now allowed to go to school -- several
million of them at school were banned from school under the Taliban --
economic growth rates of 30 percent last year, 20 percent this year.
What is the struggle? The struggle in Afghanistan is the struggle
between the majority of Afghans, four million of whom have already
registered to vote, against Taliban elements, al Qaeda elements, people
who want to drag the country backwards, who want to turn it back into a
failed and repressive state.
And so that's why it's right for NATO to step up to the mark today
and say, we are going to extend the role of the security force. It's
quite right for us to say, as the U.K., we will make a contribution in
putting the ARK force forward in 2006 to allow NATO to continue with
its responsibilities. It's why it's right for us to look at the
measures we need urgently in order to give the protection for the
Afghans as they approach their September election date.
And in respect to Iraq, exactly the same issues arise. As I say,
there again, you have people trying to get towards freedom and
democracy, and people trying to stop them. And so our job's got to be,
again, as an international community, to give them help. And that's
why it's important that NATO helps with the training of the Iraqi
security forces.
And everybody knows that, ultimately, we can be there in support,
but as the Iraqis themselves will tell you, they know that, ultimately,
their task, their responsibility is to make their country safe. And
they want us to help. So that's what we're going to do -- help with
the training and equipping of the Iraqi security forces.
Just one final point I want to make. I thought we had an
interesting set of discussions this morning and at lunch today. But
there was a very powerful speech that was made by the President of
Latvia at our lunch today, when we were discussing the question of what
NATO should do to help Afghanistan and Iraq. And I think it's
sometimes a very useful reminder for some of the newest democracies in
our world to tell us, from a standpoint of immense moral force, just
what democracy means to people who have faced repression for so many
years. And she made a very powerful intervention that reminded us, and
reminded me, certainly, again, of what it is we are here to do. We
know the security threat we face. We know the ultimate answer to it is
not just force of arms and security measures; it is ultimately the
values of democracy and freedom and justice and the rule of law. And
that's what we're trying to do.
And for NATO, after the end of the Cold War, after all the changes
that have happened, I think it has its role today. It is to support
that process of transition and change the world over, because,
ultimately, our best guarantee of security lies in the values that are
not values that are American or British or Western values, but the
values of humanity.
Thank you.
PRESIDENT BUSH: We'll answer a couple of questions. Dick, you got
a question?
Q I do, Mr. President.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Why don't you ask it?
Q Mr. President, Iraq's new Prime Minister has talked in recent
days about the possibility of imposing marital law there as a way of
restoring security. Is that something that you think a new, emerging
government should do, and particularly with the use of U.S. forces, who
would have to be instrumental in doing it?
PRESIDENT BUSH: You know, Prime Minister Allawi has fought
tyranny. He's a guy that stood up to Saddam Hussein. He's a patriot.
And every conversation I've had with him has been one the recognizes
human liberty, human rights. I mean, he's a man who is willing to risk
his life for a democratic future for Iraq.
Having said that, he may take tough security measures to deal with
Zarqawi. But he may have to. Zarqawi is the guy who beheads people on
TV. He's the person that orders suiciders to kill women and children.
And so, Prime Minister Allawi, as the head of a sovereign government,
may decide he's going to have to take some tough measures to deal with
a brutal, cold-blooded killer. And our job is to help the Iraqis stand
up forces that are able to deal with these thugs.
And it's tough, there's no question about it. Look, they can't
whip our militaries. They can't whip our militaries. What they can do
is get on your TV screens and stand in front of your TV cameras and cut
somebody's head off, in order to try to cause us to cringe and
retreat. That's their strongest weapon. And we just -- and as Prime
Minister Allawi has said publicly many times, he will not cower in the
face of such brutal murder. And neither will we. Neither will we.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I think you've got to distinguish very
carefully between two separate things. The first is, undoubtedly, the
new Iraqi government will want to take tough security measures. They
have to. They've got a situation where they've got these terrorists
who are prepared to kill any number of innocent people. And remember,
the innocent Iraqis who are dying in Iraq today are dying because of
these terrorist acts.
On the other hand, I know perfectly well from the discussions I've
had, not just with the Prime Minister, but with the other Iraqi
ministers, their purpose is to take tough security measures, but in
order to guarantee freedom for people, not to take it away. So they're
not going to be wanting to introduce martial law that takes away the
basic freedoms of the people. On the contrary. They will be wanting
to take tough security measures, and we will want to help train their
forces able to guard and get after the people doing this killing. But
it's not going to be about taking away people's freedoms. It's going
to be about allowing those freedoms to happen.
Andy.
Q Andrew Martin, BBC. Could I ask both leaders, following on
from that, do we, in some sense, then, give the new Iraqi
administration carte blanche to go after these people? The Iraqi
Defense Minister was talking this morning about hunting down and
eliminating the insurgents. And if I could also just ask, do you now
regard Germany, and in particular, France, as shoulder-to-shoulder
alongside you, after the difficult times you've had with them over the
past 18 months?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: On the first point, I don't think there's
any question of the Iraqis -- no Iraqi minister has said this to me, of
wanting to hunt people down in the sense of kill people without a
proper trial and end up taking away people's basic liberties. They
don't want that at all. But you've got to understand what they're
faced with there. They're faced with a group of people who will kill
any number of people and who will do the most terrible acts of
barbarity, and why? In order to stop them getting a democratic and
stable country.
As I keep saying to people, there are lots of things that we
thought might happen as a result of the conflict in Iraq. I mean, we
were confident of military victory. But there were lots of things that
we thought might happen. We thought there might be a humanitarian
crisis, and we made a lot of provisions for that. We thought that
maybe -- and we were told this by many people, many so-called experts
who said, well, the Iraqis, they'll want a theological state, they
won't want a proper democracy. These issues have actually either been
dealt with or resolved themselves.
What we've got is a very simple problem to describe, and a
complicated problem to overcome. We have groups of terrorists and
insurgents who will use suicide bombs, who do not care in the least
about killing innocent people, who will do whatever it takes to stop
the country functioning properly.
Now, in those circumstances, I don't blame at all the Iraqi
ministers -- any of us would be doing this, as politicians in the same
situation -- of wanting to get after those people and hunt them down.
But they're not getting after them, hunting them down in defiance of
basic freedoms, but in order to help basic freedoms. And so I don't
think we should set this new thing away that somehow the new Iraqi
government wants to -- somehow wants to put aside democracy and freedom
and all the rest of it. The reason they're trying to stop the
terrorists is so that democracy and freedom can flourish in Iraq.
Secondly, in relation to France and Germany, look, I mean, there's
no point in thinking -- we haven't overcome the disagreement there was
about whether the conflict was justified -- I mean, there's no point
in us standing here and saying, all the previous disagreements have
disappeared. They haven't. On the other hand, what is important is
you've got a United Nations resolution that has blessed the new
government in Iraq, and you've got a situation in which we have
accepted today that there is a good and sound NATO role -- which is
actually the only role we ever sought for NATO -- of training and
helping to train the Iraqis so that they can do their own security
work, which is the request that they have made to us. And in that
sense, I think the international community has come together. And I
welcome it.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, my sense is, is that there's a hope that we
succeed with all the nations sitting around the table. Everybody
understands the stakes. And the stakes are high, particularly for
those of us who recognize that the long-term defeat of terror will
happen when freedom takes hold in the broader Middle East. It's a
long-term solution.
And if you really think about what's happened since September 11th,
there's been some amazing progress. Pakistan has now joined the battle
against al Qaeda. President Musharraf has made a concerted decision to
go after al Qaeda, which hides in remote regions of his country, on the
Afghanistan border. Libya has declared and produced its weapons
programs that we're now destroying. You know, Turkey is solid.
There's a solid democracy here in the broader Middle East, which is a
great example. Afghanistan, which was a terrorist haven -- this is
where the terrorists plotted and trained to come and kill, not only in
America, but elsewhere -- is now heading toward elections.
Who ever thought Afghanistan was going to have elections? Three
years ago you said, gosh, you think Afghanistan is going to have
elections, I probably would have said, no. And so is Iraq, Iraq is
headed towards elections, too. It's substantial change in a quick
period of time. And I think everybody sitting around the table is
hopeful that democracy will serve as an agent of change in this part of
the world.
In terms of hunting them down, look, I think the Iraqis understand
what we know, that the best way to defend yourself is to go on the
offense and find the killers before they kill. I presume that's what
he was saying. I haven't asked him his language. I sometimes use that
language myself. And I've used it because my most solemn duty is to
defend my country, is to defend it from people that obviously are
willing to (snaps his fingers) kill innocent life just like that.
And my position is, is the best way to defend yourself is to find
the few, the few -- and I believe that's what he's saying, that we're
going to find those few before they continue to bomb whoever happens to
be in their way. And we'll support him, we'll help him.
Let's see -- Jim.
Q We were reminded by the anniversary of D-Day that 60 years
ago it took an active invasion to end the occupation of France and
other European nations. Now, in Iraq, the coalition has gladly and
willingly returned sovereignty to the Iraqis. And I wonder, is there
any sign that this has changed the views of your more skeptical NATO
brethren? Any evidence that the critics are now persuaded to the view
that you both argued, that it was, in fact, a liberation, or, at this
point, does it matter to each of you what the critics say?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, it matters to me what you say. I mean, it
matters to me what -- (laughter) -- sorry. (Laughter.) Just a little
humor. (Laughter.) Yes, it matters. It matters because it is
important for nations that are blessed by freedom to come together to
help nations that are struggling to be free. And that's why it
matters. The more people participating in the process, the better off
it is. The more reconstruction there is, the more people willing to
help with the education of children, the more people willing to help
rebuild hospitals, the more people willing to be -- to help to rebuild
this destroyed infrastructure, infrastructure destroyed by the Taliban
or by Saddam Hussein, the better off the world will be.
And so, yes, the more people who say, this is worth while, the more
likely it is 50 million people are going to realize the blessings that
we have. And the world will be better off for it. And the examples of
free societies in their neighborhoods are going to make a huge
difference in the lives of others.
Listen, there are people inside of Iran who are watching what's
happening -- young, vibrant, professional people who want to be free.
And they're wondering whether or not they'll have that opportunity.
And I think a free Iraq and a free Afghanistan are going to set such a
vibrant, bright example for others. And so, yes, it matters. And I
think people are beginning to see that we were, in fact, liberators,
and that we're not only going to liberate, we'll follow through, no
matter how tough it gets on the ground.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I think, speaking as someone with a largely
uncritical media -- (laughter) -- I think that, sure -- I'm not sure
that we will have persuaded all our critics, no. But I think that -- I
think it's just worth emphasizing the degree to which our own strategy
has evolved post-September the 11th. Sometimes people talk about this
issue to do with international terrorism today as if somehow it was
because of what we have done in Afghanistan or Iraq that this terrorist
threat exists. This terrorist threat was building up there for a long
time. September the 11th did, and should have, changed our thinking.
And the way our strategy has evolved is that I think we know now that
it is important not simply to go in and get after the Taliban in
Afghanistan, but also to say, no, we're going to do something else.
We're also going to give that country democracy and freedom, because
that is actually part of the battle against terrorism, as well.
And that's why it's important to see this as a whole picture. The
fact is, if Iraq becomes a stable and democratic country -- and I'm not
underestimating for a single instant the difficulties in doing that,
incidentally -- but if it does, that is a huge blow to the propaganda
and to the effort of the extremists. That's, in fact, why sometimes I
think they have a clearer idea of how important it is to stop us, than
sometimes the Western world has of why it's so important that we get
there with Iraq and with the Iraqi people.
And so the Greater Middle East Initiative and the idea of spreading
democracy there, resolving the Israeli-Palestinian issue on the basis
of two states, both democratic states -- because what we want for the
Palestinians is not just their own state, we want a democratic state
for them, where they have proper freedoms, as well.
So I think that you can see this as part of an evolving strategy,
where we realize we've got to be prepared to take tough security
measures and tough action where necessary, but we know that that is not
all that it's about. It's also about trying to show that there is a
value system there that isn't related to any religion or one religion,
one civilization. It's about these basic values of humanity, that
wherever they're implemented and tried, you get greater security.
Because, basically, democracies -- well, they have to fight sometimes
when they have to defend themselves, but they don't have the same
aggressive intent that these unstable or extreme or fanatical regimes
do.
So part of what we're trying to do -- and, yes, it's tough at the
moment, and, of course, you get into a situation where people will
fight us very hard; that's in the nature of any of these struggles that
you undertake -- but our honest belief is the world will be a safer
place if we're able to make this work. And I don't know whether we've
convinced people of this or not, but I do think -- the one thing that
interests me is occasionally when people who opposed our action in Iraq
will say, the really important thing now is to get those democratic
elections. And I think that's fantastic, but let's be clear: We
wouldn't be talking about democratic elections in Iraq if Saddam was
still there.
Q A question for both of you. How do you counter the
impression you've created today that you couldn't hand over the burden
of Iraq quickly enough, and the way that it was done is proof, is a
symbol, if you like, of a shambles in Iraq?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: It's a little bit tough there, Bill -- I
mean, you know -- (laughter.)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, let me try it then. You know that last
Friday we handed over the final ministry to the Iraqi interim
government. In other words, we have been making a transfer of
sovereignty all along. And the -- actually, we've been contemplating
this move for a while. But the final decision was by Prime Minister
Allawi, and he thought it would strengthen his hand. And so that's why
the handover took place today, as opposed to 48 hours later.
And so, not only is there full sovereignty in the hands of the
government, all the ministries have been transferred and they're up and
running. And I supported the decision; I thought it was a smart thing
to do, primarily because the Prime Minister was ready for it.
And it's a sign of confidence. It's a sign that we're ready to
go. And it's a proud moment, it really is, for the Iraqi people. And,
frankly, I feel comfortable in making the decision, because I feel
comfortable about Prime Minister Allawi and President al-Yawar. These
are strong people. They're gutsy, they're courageous. They're, as we
say in Texas, stand-up guys. You know, they'll lead. They'll lead
their people to a better day. And it's going to be very hard for them
and very trying, but they just -- they and the Iraqi people need to
hear, loud and clear, they'll have our friendship and our support, no
matter how tough it gets.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I think it's worth just pointing out, as
well -- I agree, obviously, with what's just been said, but I think
you've got somewhere in the region of, is it 10 or 11 ministries that
are already effectively run by the Iraqis themselves. I mean, their
health and education ministries are already run by Iraqis. But it's a
sign of their confidence and their desire to get on with it. They want
to do it. They know that, in the end, they've got to do it. They want
that responsibility.
And I think one of the exciting things about the last few weeks is
that the Iraqi people, in the sense through their Prime Minister and
President, have indicated, we want the responsibility. Now, we then
stay and support, however, and we're not walking out of this at all.
We stay and support them. And we'll stay for as long as it takes to
make sure that that support is there for them, so that we help them to
that freedom and democracy they want to see. And it's a -- I think
that, in a way, the relationship between us and the Iraqi government
has been -- it's a healthier, better relationship, now that this is
transfer of sovereignty there, and where they really want the
responsibility of running their own country, but they know the
practical fact is, for the moment, until their own security forces are
built up properly, they need our support, and they have our support.