For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
October 18, 2004
President's Remarks on Homeland Security in New Jersey
Remarks by the President in Burlington County, New Jersey
Evesham Recreation Center
Marlton, New Jersey
1:21 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Thanks for coming. Thanks for the
warm welcome. It is great to be back in the state of New Jersey.
(Applause.) Oh, I know it might surprise some to see a Republican
presidential candidate in New Jersey in late October. (Applause.) The
reason why I'm here, with your help we'll carry the state of New Jersey
in November. (Applause.)
We are now 15 days away from a critical election. Many important
domestic issues are at stake. I have a positive, hopeful agenda for
job creation, broader health coverage and better public education. Yet
all the progress we hope to make depends on the security of our
nation. (Applause.) America is in the middle of a global war on
terror, a struggle unlike any we have ever known before. We face an
enemy that is determined to kill the innocent and make our country into
a battlefield. In the war on terror, there is no place for confusion
and no substitute for victory. (Applause.) For the sake of our future
and our freedom, we will fight this war with every asset of our
national power, and we will prevail. (Applause.)
Laura sends her best. (Applause.) So I asked her to marry me, she
said, fine, just so long as I never have to give a political speech.
(Laughter.) I said, okay, you got a deal. Fortunately, she didn't
hold me to that deal. The American people -- (applause.) A lot of
Americans have seen her give a speech, and when they do they see a
compassionate, strong, warm woman. (Applause.)
I'm proud to have been standing on the stage with Bernie Kerik. He
knows something about security. He's lived security all his life. And
I want to thank him for his dedication and his service to the people of
this country. (Applause.)
I want to thank Congressman Jim Saxton for being here today.
(Applause.) And thank you for bringing your daughter, Jennifer.
(Applause.) I want to thank Congressman Scott Garrett for joining us
today. Congressman, thank you. (Applause.) Congressman Frank
LoBiondo, thanks for coming, Frank. (Applause.) And Tina. I want to
thank Congressman Chris Smith and Marie for joining us. (Applause.)
The Chairman of the Republican Party was born and raised in this
county. He's doing a fabulous job. Welcome my friend, Ed Gillespie.
Thanks for coming, Ed. (Applause.)
I want to thank all the state senators and state House members who
are here. I want to thank the grassroots activists. I want to thank
you for what you're going to do during the next 15 days -- put up the
signs, call the phones, get the people out to vote. We're going to win
the state of New Jersey and win a great victory in November.
(Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: During the decade of the 1990s, our times often
seemed peaceful on the surface. Yet, beneath that surface were
currents of danger. Terrorists were training and planning in distant
camps. In 1993, terrorists made their first attack on the World Trade
Center. In 1998, terrorists bombed American embassies in Kenya and
Tanzania. And then came the attack on the USS Cole in 2000, which cost
the lives of 17 American sailors. In this period, America's response
to terrorism was generally piecemeal and symbolic. The terrorists
concluded this was a sign of weakness, and their plans became more
ambitions [sic], and their attacks became more deadly.
Most Americans still felt that terrorism was something distant, and
something that would not strike on a large scale in America. That is
the time that my opponent wants to go back to.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: A time when danger was real and growing, but we
didn't know it. A time when some thought terrorism was only a
"nuisance."
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: But that very attitude is what blinded America to
the war being waged against us. And by not seeing the war, our
government had no comprehensive strategy to fight it. September the
11th, 2001 changed all that. We realized that the apparent security of
the 1990s was an illusion.
The people of New Jersey were among the first to understand how the
world changed. On September the 11th, from places like Hoboken and
Jersey City, you could look across the Hudson River and see the Twin
Towers burning. We will never forget that day, and we will never
forget our duty to defend America. (Applause.)
Out of the horror of that day we also saw good emerge. America has
seen a new generation of heroes -- police, firefighters, members of the
military. (Applause.) Americans have felt a new sense of community in
neighborhoods and across our country. We've been reminded that all of
us are a part of a great American story that is larger than our
individual lives. And we have been reminded of our solemn
responsibility to defend freedom.
September the 11th also changed the way we should look at national
security. But not everyone realizes it. The choice we face in this
election, the first presidential election since September the 11th, is
how our nation will defeat this threat. Will we stay on the offensive
against those who want to attack us --
AUDIENCE: Yes!
THE PRESIDENT: -- or will we take action only after we are
attacked?
AUDIENCE: No!
THE PRESIDENT: Will we make decisions in the light of September
the 11th, or continue to live in the mirage of safety that was actually
a time of gathering threats? And in this time of choosing, I want all
Americans to know you can count on me to fight our enemies and defend
our freedom. (Applause.)
Winning the war on terror requires more than tough-sounding words
repeated in the election season. America needs clear, moral purpose
and leaders who will not waver, especially in the tough times.
(Applause.) And winning the war on terror requires a strategy for
victory. Unlike my opponent, I understand the struggle America faces
and I have a strategy to win. (Applause.)
Our first duty in the war on terror is to protect the homeland.
This morning at the White House, I signed a strong law that will make
our nation more secure. With the 2005 Homeland Security Appropriations
Act, we are providing essential funding for Coast Guard patrols and
port security, for the Federal Air Marshal program, and for technology
that will defend aircraft against missiles. We're adding new resources
to patrol our borders and to verify the identity of foreign visitors to
America. We need to know who's coming in and out of our country.
The new law includes vital money for first responders, and for
better security of chemical facilities and nuclear plants and water
treatment plants and bridges and subways and tunnels. All these
measures show the unwavering commitment of our government. We will do
everything in our power to protect the American people. (Applause.)
The law I signed today is part of a broad effort to defend America
against new dangers. After September the 11th we created the
Department of Homeland Security to make sure our government agencies
are working together. We're transforming the FBI into an agency whose
primary focus is stopping terrorism. Through Project BioShield, we are
developing new vaccines and treatments against biological attacks.
We've trained more than a half million first responders across
America. (Applause.)
To protect America, we passed the Patriot Act, giving law
enforcement many of the same tools to fight terrorists that they
already had to fight drug cartels and organized crime. (Applause.)
Since September the 11th, law enforcement professionals have stopped
terrorist activities in Columbus, Ohio; San Diego, California;
Portland, Oregon; Seattle, Washington; Buffalo, New York and other
places, including New Jersey, where we apprehended an arms dealer who
was allegedly trying to sell shoulder-fired missiles to terrorists.
(Applause.)
My opponent voted for the Patriot Act, but now he wants to weaken
it. There are plenty of safeguards in this law, making sure that civil
liberties are protected and searches are authorized by court order. By
seeking to dilute the Patriot Act, my opponent is taking the eye off
the ball. The danger to America is not the Patriot Act, or the good
people who use it; the danger to America is the terrorists. And we
will not let up in this fight. (Applause.)
To protect America, our country needs the best possible
intelligence. Chairman Tom Kean and other members -- (applause) -- and
other members of the September the 11th Commission made thoughtful and
valuable recommendations on intelligence reform. We are already
implementing the vast majority of those recommendations that can be
enacted without a vote of Congress. We're expanding and strengthening
the capabilities of the CIA. We've established the Terrorist Threat
Integration Center so we can bring together all the available
intelligence on terrorist threats to one place. But other changes
require new laws. Congress needs to create the position of the
National Intelligence Director and take other measure to make our
intelligence community more effective. These reforms are necessary to
stay ahead of the threats. I urge Congress to act quickly, so I can
sign them into law. (Applause.)
My opponent has taken a different approach, and it shows in his
record. Just one year after the first attack on the World Trade Center
in 1993, Senator Kerry proposed a $6 billion cut in the nation's
intelligence budget.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: But the majority of his colleagues ignored his
irresponsible proposal. In 1995, he tried to cut intelligence funding
again -- and this time he could not get a single member of the United
States Senate to support his bill. (Applause.) And that's an
important difference between us. Senator Kerry has a record of trying
to weaken American intelligence. I am working every day to strengthen
American intelligence. (Applause.)
In a free and open society, it is impossible to protect against
every threat. So, second, we must pursue a comprehensive strategy
against terror. The best way to prevent attacks is to stay on the
offense against the enemy overseas. (Applause.) We are waging a
global campaign from the mountains of Central Asia to the deserts of
the Middle East, and from the Horn of Africa to the Philippines.
(Applause.) These efforts are paying off. Since September the 11th,
2001, more than three-quarters of al Qaeda's key members and associates
have been brought to justice. (Applause.) The rest of them know we're
coming after them. (Applause.)
After September the 11th, we set a new direction for American
policy and enforced a doctrine that is clear to all: If you support or
harbor terrorists, you're equally guilty of terrorist murder.
(Applause.) We've destroyed the terror camps that train thousands of
killers in Afghanistan. We removed the Taliban from power. We have
persuaded governments in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia to recognize the
enemy and join the fight. We ended the regime of Saddam Hussein, which
sponsored terror. (Applause.) Iraq's new government under Prime
Minister Allawi is hunting down terrorists in Iraq.
We sent a message to Libya, which has now given up weapons of mass
destruction programs and handed nuclear materials and equipment over to
the United States. (Applause.) We have acted, through diplomacy and
force, to shrink the area where the terrorists can operate freely, and
that strategy has the terrorists on the run. (Applause.)
My opponent has a fundamental misunderstanding on the war on
terror. A reporter recently asked Senator Kerry how September the 11th
changed him. He replied, "It didn't change me much at all."
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: His unchanged world view is obvious from the
policies he still advocates. He has said this war is "primarily an
intelligence and law enforcement operation." He has declared, we
should not respond to threats until they are -- quote -- "imminent."
He has complained that my administration -- quote -- "relies unwisely
on the threat of military preemption against terrorist organizations."
Let me repeat that. He says that preemptive action is "unwise," not
only against regimes, but even against terrorist organizations.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: Senator Kerry's approach would permit a response
only after America is hit.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: This kind of September the 10th attitude is no way
to protect our country. (Applause.) The war on terror is a real war,
with deadly enemies, not simply a police operation. In an era of
weapons of mass destruction, waiting for threats to arrive at our
doorsteps is to invite disaster. Tyrants and terrorists will not give
us polite notice before they attack our country. As long as I'm the
Commander-in-Chief, I will confront dangers abroad so we do not have to
face them here at home. (Applause.)
The case of one terrorist shows what is at stake. The terrorist
leader we face in Iraq today, the one responsible for beheading
American hostages, the one responsible for many of the car bombings and
attacks against Iraq is a man named Zarqawi. Before September the
11th, Zarqawi ran a camp in Afghanistan that trained terrorists in the
use of explosives and poisons, until coalition forces destroyed that
camp. (Applause.) He fled to Saddam Hussein's Iraq, where he received
medical care and set up operations with some 2,000 terrorist
associates. He operated in Baghdad and worked with associates in
northern Iraq. He ran camps to train terrorists, and conducted
chemical and biological experiments, until coalition forces arrived and
ended those operations. (Applause.) With nowhere to operate openly,
Zarqawi has gone underground and is making a stand in Iraq.
Here, the difference between my opponent and me is very clear.
Senator Kerry believes that fighting Zarqawi and other terrorists in
Iraq is a "diversion" from the war on terror. I believe that fighting
and defeating these killers in Iraq is a central commitment in the war
on terror. (Applause.)
If Zarqawi and his associates were not busy fighting American
forces in Iraq, does Senator Kerry think they would be leading
productive and peaceful lives? (Laughter.) Clearly, these killers
would be plotting and acting to murder innocent civilians in free
nations, including our own. By facing these terrorists far away, our
military is making the United States of America more secure.
(Applause.)
Third, to win the war on terror, America must work with allies and
lead the world with clarity. And that is exactly what we are doing.
The flags of 64 nations fly at U.S. Central Command Headquarters in
Tampa, Florida, representing coalition countries that are working
openly with us in the war on terror. (Applause.) Dozens more are
helping quietly in important ways. Today, all 26 NATO nations have
personnel either in Iraq, Afghanistan, or both. America's allies are
standing with us in the war on terror, and we are grateful.
(Applause.)
My opponent promises that he would do better with our allies. Yet,
he's decided that the way to build alliances is to insult our friends.
As a candidate for President, Senator Kerry has managed to offend or
alienate almost every one of America's fighting allies in the war on
terror. He has called the countries serving alongside us in Iraq --
quote -- "a trumped-up
... coalition of the bribed, the coerced, the bought, and the extorted."
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: He has dismissed the sacrifice of 14 nations that
have lost forces in Iraq, calling those nations "window dressing." In
our debate a few weeks ago, he declared, "when we went in [to Iraq],
there were three countries -- Great Britain, Australia, and the United
States." He left out Poland, one of the first countries to see combat
on the first days of hostilities in Iraq. He never shows respect for
some of the 30 nations that are serving courageously in Iraq today.
(Applause.)
Senator Kerry even has disregarded the contributions of Iraqis who
are fighting for their freedom. When he speaks of coalition casualties
in Iraq, he doesn't count the hundreds of Iraqis who have given their
lives fighting the terrorists and the insurgents. When Iraq's Prime
Minister came to Washington to address Congress last month, Senator
Kerry did not show up. Instead, he called a press conference and
questioned the Prime Minister's credibility. The Prime Minister of
Iraq is a brave man, who survived the assassins of Saddam --
(applause.) The Prime Minister of Iraq deserves the respect of the
world, not the scorn of a politician. (Applause.)
As part of his foreign policy, Senator Kerry has talked about
applying a "global test."
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: As far as I can tell, it comes down to this:
Before we act to defend ourselves, he thinks we need permission from
foreign capitals.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: Yet, even the Gulf War coalition in 1991 did not
pass Senator Kerry's global test. Even with the United Nations'
approval, he voted against removing Saddam Hussein from Kuwait.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: If that vast, U.N.-supported operation did not pass
his test, nothing ever could. (Applause.) Senator Kerry's global test
is nothing more than an excuse to constrain the actions of our own
country in a dangerous world. (Applause.)
I believe in strong alliances. I believe in respecting other
countries and working with them and seeking their advice. But I will
never submit our national security decisions to a veto of a foreign
government. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: USA! USA! USA!
THE PRESIDENT: Fourth -- fourth, we will win the war on terror and
make America safer by advancing the cause of freedom and democracy.
Free societies are hopeful societies, which do not nurture bitterness,
or the ideologies of terror and murder. Free governments in the
broader Middle East will fight the terrorists, instead of harboring
them. And this is why a free Iraq and a free Afghanistan are vital to
peace in that region, and vital to the security interests of our
country.
After decades of tyranny in the broader Middle East, progress
toward freedom will not come easily. Yet, that progress is coming
faster than many would have said possible. (Applause.) Across a
troubled region, we are seeing a movement toward elections, greater
rights for women, and open discussion of peaceful reform. The election
in Afghanistan less than two weeks ago was a landmark event in the
history of liberty. (Applause.) That election was a tremendous defeat
for the terrorists. (Applause.)
My opponent has complained that we are trying to -- quote --
"impose" democracy on people in that region. Is that what he sees in
Afghanistan, unwilling people have democracy forced upon them? We
removed the Taliban by force, but democracy is rising in that country
because the Afghan people, like everywhere, want to live in freedom.
(Applause.)
No one forced them to register by the millions, or stand in long
lines at polling places. On the day of that historic election, an
Afghan widow brought all four of her daughters to vote alongside her.
(Applause.) She said this -- she said, "When you see women here lined
up to vote, this is something profound ... I never dreamed ... this day
would come." But that woman's dream finally arrived, as it will one
day across the greater Middle East. (Applause.) Thank you.
The dream of freedom is moving forward in Iraq. The terrorists
know it, and they hate it, and they fight it. And we can expect more
violence as Iraq moves toward free elections. Yet, every day in Iraq,
our coalition is defeating the enemy's strategic objectives. The enemy
seeks to disrupt the march toward democracy. But an Iraqi independent
electoral commission is up and running, political parties are planning
campaigns, voter registration will begin next month -- and free and
fair Iraqi elections will be held on schedule this coming January.
(Applause.)
The enemy seeks to establish sanctuaries in Iraq from which to
commit acts of terror. But Iraqi and coalition forces are on the
offensive in Fallujah and North Babil, and have restored government
control in Samarra, Tall Afar, and Najaf. The enemy wants to make
Iraqis afraid to join security forces. But every week, more and more
Iraqis answer the call to arms. More than 100,000 soldiers, police and
border guards are already trained, equipped and bravely serving their
country. And well over 200,000 will be in place by the end of 2005.
(Applause.) The enemy seeks to break the will of the Iraqi people.
But as Prime Minister Allawi told the Congress, Iraqis are hopeful,
optimistic and determined to prevail in their struggle for liberty.
(Applause.)
After the enemy has failed in so many goals, what can these killers
do now? They can fill up our TV screens with horrible images of
suicide bombings and beheadings. These scenes are chaotic and
horrific, but they're not a complete picture of what's happening in
Iraq. A recent poll found that more than 75 percent of Iraqis want to
vote, and they have confidence in the electoral progress. And more
than 75 percent are hopeful about the future of their country. The
violent acts of a few will not divert Iraqis and our coalition from the
mission we have accepted. Iraq will be free, Iraqis will be secure and
the terrorists will fail. (Applause.)
My opponent has a different outlook. While America does the hard
work of fighting terror and spreading freedom, he has chosen the easy
path of protest and defeatism. He refuses to acknowledge progress, or
praise the growing democratic spirit in Iraq. He has not made
democracy a priority of his foreign policy. But what is his strategy,
his vision, his answer? Is he content to watch and wait, as anger and
resentment grow for more decades in the Middle East, feeding more
terrorism until radicals without conscience gain the weapons to kill
without limit? Giving up the fight might seem easier in the short run,
but we learned on September the 11th that if violence and fanaticism
are not opposed at their source, they will find us where we live.
America is safer today because Afghanistan and Iraq are fighting
terrorists instead of harboring them. (Applause.) And I believe
future generations of Americans will be spared violence and fear as
democracy and hope and governments that oppose terror multiply across
the Middle East. (Applause.)
Victory in the war on terror requires victory in Iraq. (Applause.)
If a terror regime were allowed to re-emerge in Iraq, the terrorists
would find a home, a source of funding and vital support. They would
correctly conclude that free nations do not have the will to defend
themselves. When Iraq becomes a free society at the heart of the
Middle East, an ally in the war on terror, and a model for hopeful
reform in a region that needs hopeful reform, the terrorists will
suffer a crushing defeat and every free nation will be more secure.
(Applause.)
Unfortunately, Senator Kerry does not share our commitment to
victory in Iraq. For three years -- depending on the headlines, the
poll numbers and political calculation -- he has taken almost every
conceivable position on Iraq.
AUDIENCE: Flip-flop! Flip-flop! Flip Flop!
THE PRESIDENT: First, he said Saddam Hussein was a threat, and he
voted for the war. Then he voted against funds for bullets and body
armor for the troops he had voted to send into battle.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: He declared himself an anti-war candidate. Months
later he said that knowing everything we know now, he would have still
voted for the war. Then he said the war was a "mistake," an "error,"
or "diversion." Having gone back and forth so many times, the Senator
from Massachusetts has now flip-flopped his way to a dangerous
position. My opponent -- my opponent finally has settled on a
strategy, a strategy of retreat.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: He has talked about artificial timetables to pull
our troops out of Iraq. He has sent the signal that America's
overriding goal in Iraq would be to leave, even if the job is not
done.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: And that approach would lead to a major defeat in
the war on terror. So long as I'm the Commander-in-Chief, America will
never retreat in the face of the terrorists. (Applause.) Thank you.
We will -- we will keep our word to the Iraqi people. We'll make
sure Iraqi forces can defend their country. And then American troops
will return home, with the honor they have earned. (Applause.)
On each of the four commitments needed to prevail in the war on
terror, there is a clear choice before the American people. My
opponent wants to weaken the Patriot Act, and has a history of trying
to undermine our intelligence services. I will take every necessary
measure to protect the homeland. (Applause.) The Senator wants to
wage the war on terror on the defensive. I will take the fight to the
enemy. (Applause.) The Senator insults our friends in the world and
wants to please a few critics. I'm working with our friends for the
sake of freedom and security. (Applause.) The Senator is skeptical
and pessimistic about democracy in Iraq, and critical of our efforts in
the broader Middle East. I know that the advance of freedom is the
path to security and peace. (Applause.)
In all these areas, my opponent's views would make America less
secure and the world more dangerous. And none of these positions
should come as a surprise. Over a 20-year career in the United States
Senate, Senator Kerry has been consistently wrong on the major national
security issues facing our country. The Senator who voted against the
$87 billion for our troops in Afghanistan and Iraq is the same Senator
who has voted against vital weapons systems during his entire career.
He tried to cancel the Patriot missile, which shot down scud missiles
in Operation Desert Storm. He opposed the B-1 bomber, which was
critical to victory in the Afghan campaign. He opposed the B-2 stealth
bomber, which delivered devastating air strikes on Taliban positions.
He opposed the modernized F-14D, which we used against terrorists in
Tora Bora. He opposed the Apache helicopter, which destroyed enemy
tanks and anti-aircraft missile launchers in Iraq.
The Senator who is skeptical of democracy in Iraq also spoke with
sympathy for a communist dictator in Nicaragua in the 1980s, and
criticized the democracy movement as "terrorism." His misguided
policies would have impeded the spread of freedom in Central America.
The Senator who claims the world is more dangerous since America
started fighting the war on terror is the same Senator who said that
Ronald Reagan's policies of peace through strength actually made
America less safe.
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: The same Senator who said the Reagan presidency was
eight years of "moral darkness" --
AUDIENCE: Booo!
THE PRESIDENT: In this campaign, Senator Kerry can run from his
record, but he cannot hide. (Applause.) Thank you.
The Senator's long record shows a clear pattern on national
security. He has consistently opposed a stronger military. He has
consistently looked for excuses to constrain American power. He has
consistently shown poor judgment on the great issues of war and peace.
When one senator among a hundred holds a policy of weakness, it doesn't
make a lot of difference. But the presidency is an office of great
responsibility and consequence. (Applause.)
I have a record in office, as well. And all Americans have seen
that record. September the 4th, 2001, I stood in the ruins of the Twin
Towers. It's a day I will never forget. Bernie might remember the
workers in hard hats that were yelling at me and yelling at us,
"Whatever it takes." A man grabbed me by the arm, just coming out of
the rubble and he said, "Do not let me down." I have a responsibility
that goes on. I wake up every morning thinking about how to make our
country more secure. I acted again and again to protect the American
people. I will never relent in defending our country, whatever it
takes. (Applause.)
In a new term --
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: In a new term as your President, we will finish the
work we have started. We will stand up for terror -- we will stand up
for freedom. And on November the 2nd, my fellow Americans, I ask that
you stand with me. (Applause.)
God bless. Thank you all. (Applause.)
END 2:10 P.M. EDT
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