Statements
and Speeches
Washington Science Policy Alliance
October 2, 2003
I
appreciate the opportunity to discuss the treatment of science and
scientists in federal government with such a distinguished audience.
I recognize that there is a certain incongruity to a politician
calling attention to problems in science. My goal today is to explain
to you why I became involved with this issue and why I believe it
is of urgent concern to the scientific community.
Since my election
to Congress in 1974, I have had the privilege of working closely
with dozens of federal scientists at the National Institutes of
Health, Environmental Protection Agency, Food and Drug Administration,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and other science-based
agencies. Relying on their expertise, I have helped to write and
pass major legislation to structure our government's response to
difficult problems of environmental protection and public health.
Through both Democratic and Republican administrations, there has
been a general understanding of a dividing line between the work
of scientists, which is to assemble and analyze the best available
evidence, and the work of policymakers, which is to decide what
the nation's response to the science should be.
This system
has worked extremely well. Our nation's scientific agencies are
global models of excellence. Federal agencies have identified drug
safety concerns missed by other countries, approved lifesaving drugs
quickly, helped eradicate smallpox and pushed polio to the brink
of extinction, and set major new environmental rules to protect
air and water quality. These advances and so many others depend
upon talented scientists having the freedom to pursue the right
answer without worrying about crossing artificial political boundaries
or flunking political litmus tests.
When there is
scientific integrity, bad policy judgments cannot stand the test
of time. I argued with the Reagan Administration for many years
about the need for more aggressive action to contain the spread
of HIV and AIDS. Eventually, as evidence on the growing epidemic
emerged, many policy positions became indefensible and were reversed.
Today, however,
the zone of protection for science and scientists is under unprecedented
assault. Over the last two and a half years, I have followed numerous
reports of Administration officials reaching across the dividing
line and manipulating science to support pre-determined policies.
There have been misleading statements by the President, erroneous
testimony to Congress, altered web sites, stacked advisory committees,
suppressed agency reports, and the gagging of scientists. Generally,
these actions have served to support the political positions of
social conservatives or powerful industry groups. In August, at
my request, the minority staff of the Government Reform Committee
released a study finding interference with science in 21 issue areas,
ranging from abstinence-only education to breast cancer, from global
warming to workplace safety. Three broad themes emerged in this
investigation.
First, the investigation
found numerous examples of political manipulation of advisory committees.
The Federal Advisory Committee Act requires that federal committees
be "fairly balanced in terms of the points of view represented"
and provide advice that "will not be inappropriately influenced
by the appointing authority or by any special interest." Nonetheless,
the investigation cited examples of distinguished scientists being
quizzed by political staff on whom they voted for in the last election
and what they think of various unrelated ideological issues. In
other cases, national experts were dropped from committees and replaced
by people with dubious scientific credentials but superb political
connections.
Second, the
investigation uncovered many instances where the administration
distorted or suppressed scientific information in a manner that
supported a political or ideological agenda. These included statements
to Congress, the United Nations, and the American people.
Third, the report
identified a number of cases of interference with scientific research.
This interference included extra scrutiny applied to grant applications
that include words that offend social conservatives like "gay"
and "homosexual." It also included the blocking of publication
of research that was opposed by an affected industry.
This report
is available at www.politicsandscience.org. I urge you to visit
this site if you have not already. You can sign up for updates and
report concerns for the staff to investigate further.
The Administration's
response, so far, has been to attempt to discredit me and the report.
For example, the President's spokesperson was quoted in the New
York Times as saying that the report was "riddled with distortions,
inaccuracies and omissions." Nearly two months later, we are
still waiting for the details of this assertion. (I am particularly
interested in the omissions.)
This issue does
not rise or fall on my scientific expertise. The report rests on
a body of references in the medical literature, including strong
statements in Science, Nature, the Lancet, and Scientific American.
Science Editor Donald Kennedy has been particularly outspoken, calling
attention to interference in areas "once immune to this kind
of manipulation." The Lancet has opposed "growing evidence
of explicit vetting of appointees . . . on the basis of their political
or religious opinions." The report contains extensive citations
to these and other references. The committee staff will update the
web site as necessary.
Outside of the
White House, the response to the report has been tremendous. The
web site has been visited over 60,000 separate times, and more than
1,000 people, including many scientists, have requested updates,
and we have received numerous phone calls of support from federal
scientists. We are investigating more than 100 concerns shared,
many of them anonymously.
The popular
and scientific press has begun to take hold of this issue and we
have received inquiries from many concerned scientific groups. Your
interest in this issue is another testament to its resonance.
Let me conclude
by asking a question: What is it about the report and, more importantly,
what is it about this issue that has provoked such a strong response?
I believe the answer has to do with the overall pattern of the Administration's
actions.
Viewed one issue
at a time, the Administration's actions can be hard to believe.
For example, it is still astonishing to me that HHS Secretary Thompson
replaced some of the nation's leading lead poisoning experts on
a CDC committee with lead paint industry consultants, including
one who believes a lead level of seven times the current standard
- 70 micrograms per deciliter - is safe for children's brains.
It is also
incredible that the Administration stands so alone in the world
in denying the science of global warming.
But taken together,
the Administration's actions are not simply puzzling but also alarming.
The pattern of disrespect for science and scientists poses three
grave dangers to federal policymaking.
First, and most
importantly, the Administration risks undermining our ability to
develop effective policies for the American people. For example,
the EPA has been unable or unwilling to share objective analyses
of climate change legislation that competes with the President's
own proposal. According to a former EPA administrator under President
Nixon, this refusal is illegitimate. The result is that Congress
may be less likely to pass the policies that are needed to forestall
global warming. We can no longer wait for the science to point us
in the right direction, if any science that is contrary to the Administration's
political goals is going to be suppressed.
Another area
where sound policy is threatened is stem cell research. The President
has consistently misled the American people about the number of
embryonic stem cell lines available for research. In 2001, President
Bush assured the American people that there were "more than
60" promising cell lines. Today, there are fewer than 15 available
for researchers, and all have been grown on mouse feeder cells,
rendering any resulting therapies inappropriate for patient care.
The President used his misleading statements to justify a policy
that will delay needed research into cures for diseases that affect
millions of Americans.
Second, the
Administration is undermining the American people's confidence in
science-based agencies. The public expects officials to portray
the state of science accurately, but when that doesn't occur, cynicism
can set in.
Last summer,
the National Cancer Institute pulled from its web site an analysis
stating that scientific evidence discounted a link between abortion
and breast cancer. The analysis explained that after some uncertainty
before the mid-1990s, this issue had been resolved by several well-designed
studies, the largest of which was published in the New England Journal
of Medicine in 1997.
In November
2002, however, the Bush Administration posted new information about
abortion and breast cancer on the NCI web site. The new information
ignored the scientific consensus and made it appear that abortion
might cause breast cancer. No new data supported the changes. After
tremendous criticism, the National Cancer Institute spent thousands
of dollars to convene experts to revisit the question. The conclusion
of this group, again, was that no link exists, and finally the web
site was changed. It is not hard to see why such behavior can undermine
Americans' confidence in science-based agencies.
Third, the Administration
is risking an exodus of talented scientists from public service.
The first law of politics and science is that a gagged scientist
is not a productive scientist. The corollary to this law is that
talented scientists who fear being gagged are less likely to join
a science-based agency in the first place. I understand that because
of political interference, morale at NIH is at an all-time low.
This is particularly unfortunate at an agency that should be at
its pinnacle of success, using historic funding increases to pursue
new breakthrough treatments and cures.
If you share
my concern over the integrity of federal policymaking, I urge you
and your organizations to become involved. Even if your work has
yet to be directly affected by this disturbing trend, I urge you
to consider the principle at stake. Ultimately, success will depend
upon a broad mobilization of the scientific community. I recognize
that jumping into a politically charged debate is not usual or customary
for many scientific organizations. But even small steps can be helpful
at this critically important time.
In July, the
Institute of Medicine reaffirmed that advisory committee appointments
should be made "on a person's scientific or clinical expertise"
and not "to advance political or ideological positions."
Numerous organizations, including the American Association for the
Advancement of Science, have taken positions against political interference
with science. Medical and scientific journals are watching developments
in this area closely.
Such steps are
essential, but may not be sufficient. We may need legislative safeguards
that protect scientific integrity by enhancing the freedom and security
of federal scientists. We may need professional standards that apply
to political interference just as existing standards set limits
on industry influence. We should work together to monitor the situation
and develop these proposals.
Thank you for
inviting me to talk with you about my involvement in this issue,
and I look forward to your questions.
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