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Science and Engineering Indicators 2004
  Table of Contents     Figures     Tables     Appendix Tables     Presentation Slides  
Chapter 7:
Highlights
Introduction
Information Sources, Interest, and Perceived Knowledge
Public Knowledge About S&T
Public Attitudes About Science-Related Issues
Conclusion
References
 
 
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Figure 7-1


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Figure 7-2


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Figure 7-3


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Figure 7-4


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Figure 7-5

Science and Technology: Public Attitudes and
Understanding

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Information Sources, Interest, and Perceived Knowledge

Sources of News and Information About S&T
Public Interest in S&T
The Public's Sense of Being Well Informed About S&T Issues

People get news and information about S&T from a variety of sources. However, in both the United States and Europe, most adults find out about the latest S&T developments from watching television. The print media rank a distant second. The Internet, although not the main source of news for most people, has become the main place to get information about specific S&T subjects.

Although most Americans claim to be at least moderately interested in S&T, few science-related news stories attract much public interest. In addition, few people feel well informed about new scientific discoveries and the use of new inventions and technologies.

Sources of News and Information About S&T top of page

The number of people who watch the news on television or read a newspaper has been declining for more than a decade.[2] That does not bode well for news about S&T, which must compete with a host of other topics for the attention of the American public.

Although the percentage of Americans who regularly watch a nightly network news program has declined steadily since the late 1980s,[3] television remains the leading source of news in most households. In the 2001 NSF survey, 53 percent of respondents named television as their leading source of news about current events in general, followed by newspapers (29 percent). Television was also the leading source of news about S&T (44 percent), followed by newspapers and magazines (each 16 percent).[4] Despite the growing popularity of the Internet, and the steady stream of technological advances that support the convergence of computer and television capabilities (Markoff 2002), relatively few respondents named the Internet as their leading source of general news (7 percent) or S&T news (9 percent). However, when respondents were asked where they would go to get additional information about a specific scientific topic, such as biotechnology or global warming, nearly half named the Internet (figure 7-1 figure and appendix tables 7-1 Microsoft Excel icon, 7-2 Microsoft Excel icon, and 7-3 Microsoft Excel icon).

Television is also the European public's main source of news about S&T.[5] In the 2001 Eurobarometer survey, 60 percent of respondents ranked television as either their first or second most important source of information on scientific developments, followed by the written press (37 percent), radio (27 percent), school or university (22 percent), scientific journals (20 percent), and the Internet (17 percent) (figure 7-2 figure). In general, there was little variation in these preferences across countries (table 7-1 text table).

The following sections take a more detailed look at the various sources of news and information about S&T in the United States.

Television

Information about science is communicated to the U.S. public through several types of television programs. Educational and nonfiction shows promote science and aim to be both informative and entertaining. News programs, including national and local morning and nightly newscasts and newsmagazines, devote segments to science-related subjects and issues. In addition, entertainment programs occasionally include information about science.

A broad range of science-content programs are available on U.S. television, including Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) series (such as Nova)[6] and programs aimed at children (such as Bill Nye the Science Guy). Most U.S. households now have cable or satellite television and thus have access to the Discovery Channel and a growing array of options made possible by advances in cable and satellite technology. These include an increasing number of channels devoted to S&T and health (e.g., Discovery Health, the National Geographic Channel, and the History Channel)[7] and niche market channels [e.g., the Research Channel, the University Channel, and NASA TV (Folkenflik 2003)].

Nova[8] and other science programs have become highly dependent on visual images. Advances in photographic technology and computer graphics, such as microscopic visuals and computer-generated imagery (CGI), have made it possible to create shows on subjects like genomics, cosmology, and string theory. In addition, CGI can create realistic images of worlds that no longer exist (e.g., the shows "Walking with Dinosaurs" and "Walking with Beasts").

Most programs and documentaries on PBS and cable and satellite channels are highly regarded. According to the 2001 NSF survey, 8 percent of Americans watch Nova regularly or most of the time; another 29 percent watch it occasionally.[9] However, other types of programming, such as evening and morning newscasts and newsmagazines like 60 Minutes, 20/20, and Dateline, reach far more people. Therefore, most television viewers are exposed to information about S&T in news shows that occasionally cover these subjects.[10]

Although television newsmagazines can be a leading source of news about science for the public, the regular audience for these shows has been declining in the past few years (37, 31, and 24 percent in 1998, 2000, and 2002, respectively, among all adults). Most of this audience erosion occurred among women (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press 2002a).[11]

Local newscasts contain a relatively large number of segments about health and medicine. In addition, more time is spent on the weather than any other story in a local newscast. According to the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST 2002), "TV weathercasters are often the most visible representatives of science in U.S. households." They have educated the public about jet streams, fronts, barometric pressure, and environmental issues such as global climate change and have even involved schools in collecting the data displayed.

Television entertainment programs occasionally dispense information about science to the public.[12] Because such shows attract relatively large audiences, many people may be educated or become aware of science and science-related issues by watching them. However, television can also distort or mischaracterize science and thus contribute to scientific illiteracy (Nisbet et al. 2002). People whose job it is to communicate science information to the public are concerned that the drive for higher ratings is leading television networks to devote more air time to "monsters of the deep, alien abductions, angels, [and] ghosts, all of which pass for science in...the television industry today" (Apsell 2002).[13] Such shows even appear on educational networks, including Discovery, The Learning Channel, and the History Channel (Chism 2002).

The Internet

Although the Internet has not overtaken television and newspapers as a primary source of news (including S&T news), the results of NSF and other surveys indicate that Internet access is affecting where Americans get news and is an even bigger factor in their acquisition of information about specific scientific issues.

Trends in the Internet as a News Source. According to the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, the Internet displaced network television in some U.S. households during the late 1990s (figure 7-3 figure). Part of the time Americans used to spend watching television network newscasts is being used instead to browse news-oriented websites. According to the Pew surveys, the percentage of Americans going online for news at least 3 days per week grew from 2 to 23 percent between 1996 and 2000. Even though the number of people connected to the Internet continued to increase between 2000 and 2002, the number relying on the Internet as a news source did not. This finding holds true even among college graduates, who tend to be far more Internet savvy than those with less education.

Characteristics of Internet News Users. The demographic profile of Internet news users has remained virtually unchanged: they tend to be younger, male, more affluent, and better educated. For example, in 2002, Pew survey respondents going online for news at least once a week included 43 percent of those younger than 50 (nearly double the percentage of those 50 and older), 41 percent of men (compared with 29 percent of women), and 57 percent of college graduates (compared with 26 percent of high school graduates).

Categories of News Sought Online. Categories of news sought online have changed somewhat over the years (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press 2002a). The most popular category in 2002 was weather, followed by science and health (table 7-2 text table). Technology, which topped the list in 1996, ranked fourth in 2002, just below international news. (Interest in international news grew 10 percentage points between 2000 and 2002, possibly because of the events of September 11, 2001.)

Internet users and nonusers have different news interests. In 2002, Internet users were more likely than nonusers to be interested in news about S&T, business and finance, international affairs, culture and arts, and sports, and they were less likely than nonusers to be interested in news about religion and crime. The S&T category had the greatest difference: 21 percent of Internet users said they followed news about S&T very closely, compared with 11 percent of nonusers[14] (table 7-3 text table).

Science Information on the Internet. Although the Internet is not the leading source of news, it is now the preferred source when people are seeking information about specific scientific issues. In the 2001 NSF survey, when asked where they would go to learn more about a scientific issue such as global warming or biotechnology, 44 percent of respondents chose the Internet as their preferred source. About half as many (24 percent) chose books or other printed material, an indication that encyclopedias and other reference books are now taking a back seat to the Internet as research tools for the general public. No other source scored above 10 percent. (See figure 7-1 figure, appendix table 7-3 Microsoft Excel icon, and sidebar, "Science and the Internet.")

Newspapers and Newsmagazines

The decline in newspaper readership during the past decade has been well documented. In addition, newspapers have reduced the number of reporters specializing in science and the amount of space devoted to stories about science (Girshman 2002).[15]

Surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center show that the percentage of Americans responding positively to the question "do you happen to read any daily newspaper or newspapers regularly, or not" declined from around 70 percent or more in the early and mid-1990s to 63 percent in the early 2000s. Responses to another question, "did you get a chance to read a daily newspaper yesterday," showed a similar pattern: those answering "yes" fell from approximately 50 percent in the mid-1990s to 41 percent in 2002. Data from NSF surveys indicate that newspaper readership has declined at all education levels.

The percentage of people who report regularly reading a weekly newsmagazine such as Time, U.S. News and World Report, or Newsweek fell from a high of 24 percent during the mid-1990s to 13 percent in 2002; the amount of time spent reading these magazines also declined (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press 2002a).

The leading science magazines in the United States (according to sales figures) are Popular Science, Discover, Scientific American, Wired, Natural History, Science News, Astronomy, and Science. A total of 4.4 million copies of these publications are sold each month, with Popular Science accounting for 1.5 million, Discover about 1 million, and Scientific American approximately 700,000. The vast majority of both subscribers and readers of science magazines are men, and they tend to be well educated and have high incomes. For example, 85 percent of the readers of Scientific American have college degrees, and 60 percent have graduate or professional degrees. Readers of Wired have the highest average household income: $132,000. The average age of science magazine readers is in the 40s: 49 for Scientific American and Discover, 43 for Popular Science, and 41 for Wired (Wertheim 2003).

Books

People still read. In a recent survey, most respondents (75 percent) said that their use of the Internet has not affected the amount of time they spend reading books, newspapers, and magazines. About 20 percent said they spend less time reading because of the Internet, and 6 percent said they actually spend more time reading because of the Internet. Books rival the Internet as a very or extremely important source of information: almost identical numbers of respondents, three of five, made this claim. In addition, books were second only to television as a very or extremely important source of entertainment (Cole 2002).

Despite the expanding array of alternative sources of information, books continue to influence public debate and "are part of the media mix that permeates our culture" (Lewenstein 2002). Probably the most famous example of a science book influencing public debate was Rachel Carson's Silent Spring, which is widely credited with having started the environmental movement.

In addition to textbooks, handbooks, manuals, and conference proceedings that are written and produced for students and working scientists, there are science-related books meant for the general public, and some of these make bestseller lists and win prizes. By reaching a wider audience, they stimulate public and intellectual debate and contribute to popular culture. Other widely used books such as birdwatching guides and nature books spark interest in science among nonscientists. Self-improvement books about subjects such as diet, physical and mental health, and sex draw on medical, psychological, and other types of scientific research.

An indicator of increasing interest in scientific subjects among the book-reading public is the growing frequency with which science-related books make bestseller lists. Beginning in the late 1970s, such books began to appear more often on those lists and also started to win prizes on a regular basis. The release of Carl Sagan's Dragons of Eden marked a major milestone in the publication of books about science. It made the New York Times bestseller list in 1977 and won the Pulitzer Prize in the "general nonfiction" category in 1978. Thereafter, the number of science-related books added to the Times bestseller list in a typical year increased from fewer than 10 to more than 10, and books about science began receiving Pulitzer Prizes every year or every other year (figure 7-4 figure and table 7-4 text table).

A few years after Dragons of Eden was published, another milestone was reached. Once again, Sagan was responsible. In 1980, his Cosmos became the first science-related book on the Publishers Weekly bestseller list to sell more than a half million copies. It was followed in 1988 by Stephen Hawking's A Brief History of Time, which has sold more than 9 million copies worldwide.

According to a science historian who has tracked the increasing popularity of books about science, an author's style and personality have a lot to do with whether a book reaches a wide, mainstream audience and becomes a bestseller (Lewenstein 2002). Sagan is a case in point. The success of his Cosmos was partially attributable to the popularity of the television series he hosted. The $2 million advance he subsequently received for his science fiction novel Contact was then the largest advance ever paid for a work of fiction.

Museums

Surveys show that S&T museums are more popular in the United States than in Europe. In 2001, 30 percent of NSF survey respondents said they had visited such a museum in the last 12 months, compared with only 11 percent of Europeans surveyed (European Commission 2001). When Europeans who had not visited an S&T museum were asked their reasons, a third said they were not interested in going and nearly as many said they did not have the time (only 3 percent said the entrance fee was too high).[16]

S&T museums are not the only public attractions that are less popular in Europe than in the United States. Europeans are also much less likely than Americans to visit zoos (26 versus 58 percent) and libraries (31 versus 75 percent) and are even less likely to visit art museums (21 versus 32 percent). Only 14 percent of surveyed Americans said they had not visited any of the four types of attractions during 2001, compared with nearly half (44 percent) of Europeans (figure 7-5 figure).

Public Interest in S&T top of page

Surveys conducted by NSF and other organizations consistently show that Americans are interested in issues related to S&T. Very few people admit to not being interested in these subjects. In 2001, about 45 percent of NSF survey respondents said they were very interested in new scientific discoveries and the use of new inventions and technologies. About the same number said they were moderately interested in these subjects. Only about 10 percent were not interested at all.[17]

In Europe, 45 percent of survey respondents said they were "rather interested" in S&T, which is similar to the percentage of Americans who expressed an interest.[18] However, in sharp contrast to the 10 percent of American respondents who admitted disinterest in S&T, more than half (52 percent) of European respondents said they were not interested. U.S. and European findings coincided in two areas: more men than women expressed an interest in S&T, and respondents were more interested in medicine and the environment than in S&T in general.[19]

Despite the American public's professed interest in S&T issues, there is reason to believe that their interest may not be as strong as the data indicate. Surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press show that community affairs, crime, health, and sports were the four types of news followed most closely by the American public in 2002; S&T ranked ninth, down two slots from its 2000 ranking. In addition, the level of interest in S&T (as measured by the percentage of survey respondents following related news very closely) declined between 1996 and 2002, along with an even greater decline for health-related stories (although these stories continued to rank high compared with other topics). In fact, by the same measure, interest in most subjects declined during the period; international affairs was an exception to this trend. (See table 7-5 text table and sidebar, "Few Science-Related News Stories Attract Public Interest.")

Still, interest in news about S&T is only part of the story. Other indicators discussed earlier in this chapter, including the popularity of S&T museums and the growing number of science-related books on bestseller lists, suggest that many people are interested in science even though they may not follow science news.

The Public's Sense of Being Well Informed About S&T Issues top of page

In general, most Americans do not think they are well informed about S&T issues. In the 2001 NSF survey, fewer than 15 percent of respondents described themselves as being very well informed about new scientific discoveries and the use of new inventions and technologies; approximately 30 percent considered themselves to be poorly informed.[20] Americans felt better informed about local school issues, economic issues and business conditions, new medical discoveries, and environmental pollution. On some types of issues, people felt less informed in 2001 than they used to. This downward trend is particularly noticeable for the five S&T-related issues included in the survey: new medical discoveries, new scientific discoveries, the use of new inventions and technology, space exploration, and environmental pollution (appendix table 7-4 Microsoft Excel icon).

The European public also feels uninformed about S&T. In 2001, most Europeans (61 percent) said they felt poorly informed; one-third felt well informed. Europeans were more likely to feel well informed about sports, culture, and politics than about S&T issues and about as likely to feel uninformed about economics and finance as about S&T (European Commission 2001).









Footnotes

[2]  Although news consumption spiked after the events of September 11, 2001, the number of people who keep up with current events has generally been declining. Americans, especially young people, are increasingly likely to report that they did not watch or listen to the news or read a newspaper the previous day. Between 1994 and 2002, the proportion of people in this category doubled from 10 to 20 percent (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press 2002a).

[3]  The proportion of Americans who said they regularly watched a nightly network news program declined from 71 percent in 1987 to 50 percent in 2000. The steady decline appears to have leveled off: in the most recent survey by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press (2002a), 52 percent of respondents said they watched nightly network news.

[4]  Only 5 percent of respondents named radio as their primary source of general news. Although only 3 percent said radio was their primary source of science and technology (S&T) news, National Public Radio probably has the largest science staff (about 20 editors and reporters) of any national news organization (Girshman 2002).

[5]  Data for the United States and Europe are not directly comparable. U.S. respondents were asked to name their primary source of information; Europeans were asked to rank six sources, and their first and second choices were added together.

[6]  According to the executive producer of Nova, "science lends itself so well to a mystery story. It always starts with a question... Another element of a science story is usually a star or a cast of characters—some researcher or a group" (Apsell 2002).

[7]  In one survey, 37 percent of respondents said they regularly watched documentaries on cable channels. More men than women said they watched these shows (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press 2000a).

[8]  Hollywood has occasionally taken its cues from Nova. For example, the idea for the 1999 movie Twister, which drew notice for its special effects, actually came from the Nova episode "Tornado" (Apsell 2002).

[9]  According to one survey, PBS viewership has remained stable (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press 2000a). [10]  For example, in February 2003, 60 Minutes had a segment on the India Institute of Technology, which trains large numbers of engineers who have become the driving force of innovation in the United States. The long-running series Sunday Morning almost always contains at least one segment aimed at fostering public appreciation for S&T; for example, in April 2003, the show included a segment called "Celebrating Einstein's Genius."

[11]  An assistant managing editor of National Public Radio recently explained that although the network morning shows do have segments on science, physics is not part of the portfolio "because it's the women who are home getting the kids ready and who have the TV on in the kitchen" (Girshman 2002).

[12]  For example, scientists and kids conducting science experiments appear regularly as featured guests on late night talk shows. A lead character on the long-running comedy Friends is a paleontologist who is passionate about his work. The dramatic series The West Wing has tackled science-related subjects as diverse as the importance of governmental support of basic research, the meaning of the peer review process, and the difference between a physicist and a psychic.

[13]  A recent example of this type of program is "Confirmation: The Hard Evidence of Aliens Among Us?," which, according to the chairman of a university physics department, made it more difficult for viewers to distinguish "charlatans from honest researchers" (Krauss 1999). Other examples include psychics and mediums who either have their own shows or make frequent appearances on talk shows; newscast segments, coinciding with release of the movie Signs, devoted to the "mystery" of crop circles (which were exposed as a hoax in 1992); and the special "Conspiracy Theory: Did We Land on the Moon?, " which drew large numbers of viewers (Oberg 2003). Some scientists view such programs as harmful because "a misinformed public...is as worrisome as an uninformed public" (Chism 2002).

[14]  Experienced Internet users reported spending 5.5 percent of their online looking up medical information and 7.5 percent of their time on the (Cole 2002).

[15]  Although most major newspapers have reduced science coverage, the New York Times may be an exception.

[16]  Surveys conducted in the United Kingdom show that young people there are not interested in attending science-based attractions such as museums or in watching television programs about science. "Essentially, science is not a major thing in their world" (Burnet 2002).

[17]  Other surveys had similar findings (VCU Center for Public Policy 2003). When asked about their interest in scientific discoveries, only 10 percent of respondents said they were "not much interested," and only 3 percent said they were "not at all" interested; 44 percent said they had "a lot" of interest, and 43 percent reported "some" interest.

[18]  In Europe, the greatest interest in S&T tended to be in countries with relatively large numbers of college graduates, including Sweden (64 percent interest in S&T), Denmark (61 percent), the Netherlands (59 percent), and France (54 percent). Conversely, relatively low interest was found in countries with fewer college graduates, such as Ireland (32 percent interest) and Portugal (38 percent). Exceptions to this general relationship between higher education and interest in S&T were Greece, where interest was high (61 percent), and Germany, where interest was low (30 percent).

[19]  The American public is very likely to read or listen to news about public health issues. For example, in a Research!America survey, 71 percent of respondents said they were very likely to read or listen to news about medical breakthroughs in treatments for diseases, 67 percent said the same about public health crises, and 60 percent said they were likely to pay attention to news about research that keeps people free from disease (Research!America 2002).

[20]  In another survey conducted in 2001, only 11 percent of respondents described themselves as "very informed" about scientific discoveries, 60 percent thought they were "somewhat informed," 24 percent answered "not very informed," and 4 percent said that they were not at all informed about scientific discoveries (VCU Center for Public Policy 2002).


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