For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
August 6, 2004
President's Remarks to the Unity Journalists of Color Convention
Washington Convention Center
Washington, D.C.
9:21 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Ernest. Thank you for having me. I
appreciate the invitation. It's good that -- Ernest tells me that
there's nearly 10,000 members of your organization. I congratulate you
for reaching out and including a lot of people. You represent a very
important profession -- it's one that I'm quite familiar with.
(Laughter.)
I appreciate the chance to -- I deal with my press corps on a
regular basis. It's a beneficial -- it's a mutual beneficial society.
See, I need them to get the message out, and they need me to be a
messenger. And we're working hard to make sure that our relationship
is cordial and professional. And that's how I feel about coming here,
too -- to establish a cordial and professional relationship with people
who help spread the news.
You believe there ought to be diversity in the newsroom. I
understand that. You believe there ought to be diversity on the
editorial pages of America. I agree. You believe there ought to be
diversity behind the managing editor's desk. I agree with that, too.
I also believe there ought to be diversity in the political parties in
America, and that's why I'm going to work hard to tell people my
message, to tell people what I believe. And I believe that government
should stand side by side with people and help them gain the tools
necessary to realize the American Dream -- not just some people, but
everybody.
I believe those of us who have been given the high honor of
representing the people must work to reform parts of government that
are stagnant and don't stand side by side with people to give them the
tools necessary to perform. I believe it's more important to be a doer
than a talker. I believe it's important to say to people, judge me by
my results. And so today I want to talk about some of the results of
this administration, and then I look forward to answering some of your
questions.
First, I want to thank the board of directors of this August
organization. Thank you for having me. Thank you for greeting me
behind stage. I want to thank the sponsor for providing the
opportunity for people from all around the globe to come here -- all
around the country, to come here to talk about important issues.
I think one -- you know, look, you can't read a newspaper if you
can't read. And so one of the most important initiatives of this
administration was to challenge the soft bigotry of low expectations.
You know what I mean by that. If you lower the bar, guess what happens
-- you get lousy results. And that's the way it was in American public
schools three-and-a-half years ago. That's why you had kids just
shuffled from grade to grade, year to year, without learning the basics
of education. That's the way it was, because there was no
accountability. See, we weren't measuring.
If you believe that every child can learn to read and write and add
and subtract, which I believe, then you must be willing to measure to
determine whether or not the children are learning to read and write
and add and subtract. No, here in this -- here in this capital there's
a lot of focus on funding, but very little focus on results. We
increased for funding for K through 12 by 49 percent since 2001. We
increased funding for Title I by 52 percent since 2001. But now, in
return for increased funding, we're saying to local districts, show us
whether or not a child can read, early, before it's too late. We're
measuring.
And when there are schools that aren't teaching, there's extra help
to make sure the children learn early, before it's too late. We've
raised the bar. We believe in local control of schools, and we're
insisting on accountability. And you know what? It's beginning to
work.
There is a reading gap in America. We can play like there's not a
reading gap in America, but there is. Too many of our African American
kids cannot read at grade level by the 3rd and 4th grade, and that's
not right for America. Too many Latino youngsters can't read. And one
of the reasons why is because it's so easy to quit on a classroom full
of inner-city kids and kids whose parents maybe can't speak English as
a first language. It's easy to walk in and say, these kids are too
hard to educate, let's just move them through. We stopped the practice
in America, and the schools are better off for it.
I'll tell you one other thing we've done, which I think is
important, is we've started the process of giving parents more choice
in schools. If your public school fails after a period of time, you
ought to be allowed to move your child to another school. Why should a
parent have their child trapped in a school that won't change? That
doesn't make any sense to me.
Here in the District of Columbia, we've given $7,500 scholarships
to the parents of low-income children so that they can move their kid
from school to school -- to another school if the public school is
failing. I appreciate working with the mayor of this city. See, my
attitude is, if public -- or school choice is good enough for the
middle class and the upper class, it ought to be good enough for
low-income Americans. And this is going to make a difference in
Washington, D.C. (Applause.)
No, we're making a difference here in the public schools of
America. In a recent study of 61 urban school districts, 73 percent of
African American 4th graders narrowed the achievement gap with white
students in reading. See, that's how you -- you know how you know
that? Because you measured. Because we say, show us whether or not a
child can read, and, if not, let's correct problems early, before it's
too late.
We're making progress in this country. About 60 percent of
Hispanic 4th graders narrowed the achievement gap. So long as there's
an achievement gap, we've got more work to do. But we're making
substantial progress toward achieving what we want to do, and that is
every child reading at grade level by the 3rd grade and remaining at
grade level throughout their entire public school career.
There's more to do. We've got to make sure our higher education is
available for everybody. We've increased the number of students
receiving Pell grants by a million since I've been President. We've
got historic levels of funding for our black colleges. I told the
Native Americans we will see that their school systems are modernized.
We spent $1.1 billion for Indian school construction repair since 2001,
more than double spending in the previous four years. I told people
we'd focus on schools, and we are. And we're making progress in
America.
You know, when I came into office we had a problem with our
economy, it was in a recession. In order to make sure this country is
hopeful and people have a better chance to realize their dreams, we
need economic growth. That's why I cut the taxes on everybody. I
didn't cut them, the Congress cut them. I asked them to cut them. It
was to stimulate the economy. It was to help people have more money in
their pocket, so they would demand additional goods or services.
And the economic growth is strong and it's getting stronger, and
that's good for everybody in America. I want you to remember the tax
relief and how it worked. We didn't play favorites in the tax code.
We said, if you're paying taxes you ought to get relief. Seems to make
a fair way to me to make policy. If you're paying taxes, you're going
to have tax relief and the government ought not to pay [sic]
favorites.
So everybody who paid taxes got relief. We paid special attention
to parents with children. We raised the child credit. We provided
relief for the marriage penalty. It's an unusual tax code that
penalizes marriage. Seems like we ought to be trying to encourage
marriage in America, not penalize it. A lot of our tax relief was
aimed at small businesses. Most new jobs in America are created by
small businesses. Most small businesses pay tax at the individual
income tax level. That's just a fact. By far, the majority of small
businesses in America are what they call sole proprietorships or
sub-chapter S corporations.
Since most new jobs in America are created by small businesses it
makes sense to provide relief for small business owners. And so when
you cut the taxes on individuals, you're cutting taxes on, by far, the
vast majority of small businesses in America. And that's good for the
economy.
It's also good to encourage an ownership society. I came to
Washington aiming to help people own something. I want there to be
more owners in America. The role of government is not to create
wealth, but an environment in which the entrepreneur can flourish. At
least, that's my philosophy. And as a result of tax relief, and a good
economic environment, there are more small minority owners -- business
owners today than ever before. More and more people are realizing
their dreams by owning their own business, and that's healthy for this
country. It's important for this country.
And there's more work to do. You've heard me talk about tort
reform. Tort reform is necessary to make sure the business environment
is such that people have the confidence necessary to start their own
business. Good trade policy will help small businesses. We regulate a
lot here in Washington, D.C. I can't promise you whether or not any
regulator has ever read the reports that we ask small business owners
to file in Washington. I suspect they haven't. But reasonable
regulatory policy will help small business owners.
Small business owners must be able to afford health care. That's
why I strongly urge the Congress to pass association health plans,
which will allow small businesses to pool risk across jurisdictional
boundaries so they can get the same purchasing power that big
businesses have. I have got a plan that will help all small businesses
thrive in America. When you own something, you have a vital stake in
the future of this country. Judge me on home ownership in America. I
believe it's -- I can't tell you how exciting it is to know, more
people in America can now say, welcome to my home; I'm glad you're here
to visit me in my home. To me, those are hopeful words for our
country.
I set a goal two summers ago to have 5.5 million new home owners by
the end of the decade, minority home owners by the end of the decade.
We're meeting that goal. One point six million new minority home
owners in the last two years. You know, they talk a good game up here
sometimes in Washington. We're delivering. More minority families own
their home today than ever before in the history of the United States
of America. And that's a positive development for this country.
(Applause.) A lot of it has to do with low interest rates. A lot of
it has to do with good tax policy. A lot of it has to do with down
payment assistance, counseling out of Housing and Urban Development.
Listen, if you're a first-time home owner and you take a look at the
contract, that fine print looks a little small; people get a little
nervous. And so we're providing counseling to help people to
understand what it means to be a first-time home buyer. And it's
paying off.
Medicare, there's been a lot of talk about Medicare here in
Washington, D.C. You might remember that issue. At every single
political campaign people said, I want to help our seniors, I'll help
our seniors. Nothing got done. We got it done. We reformed a very
important part of our health care system by enabling seniors to have
choices of their own and providing prescription drug coverage for
seniors for the first time, in Medicare. They talk a lot up here. I
want the people of this country to remember who actually has got the
work done.
Now, let me tell you about the Medicare bill, the reform bill. It
started off first by the distribution of drug discount cards, which
provide real savings for our seniors. Over 4 million seniors have
signed up so far. Low-income seniors get a $600 credit, as well as the
discount on their card. Next year, for the first time, there will be
preventative screenings provided for in Medicare. Medicare has never
done that before. I mean, it makes sense, doesn't it, to say in
Medicare, we want to diagnose problems early, before they become acute,
in order to save taxpayers money, and, more importantly, in order to
save lives.
In 2006, there will be a prescription drug coverage available in
Medicare for seniors, with low-income seniors getting substantial help
in the payment of -- help in their prescription drugs. In other words,
the system is better. Imagine a system where the government would pay
a $100,000 hospital stay for heart surgery, but wouldn't pay the
medicines necessary to prevent the heart surgery from happening in the
first place. We're changing that, for the good of our seniors.
We've added community health centers all across the country. These
are primary care facilities for low-income Americans to get help. We
want people to get help in primary care facilities, not in emergency
rooms. It's one way to help hold down costs. We provided health
savings accounts, which will be beneficial for people from all walks of
life. These are tax free health savings accounts that make sure the
patient and the doctor are the center of the decision-making process in
health care.
I'm concerned about the fact that doctors all across America are
leaving the practice of medicine. And one reason they are is because
of the frivolous lawsuits that plague the medical profession. I think
everybody ought to have their day in court when they've got a
legitimate injury, but these frivolous lawsuits are running up the cost
of medicine, and they're making medicine harder for people to access.
We need tort reform in Washington, D.C., medical liability reform. And
I will continue to work so on behalf of the patients and doctors of
America.
Look, I understand Washington, you understand Washington. There's
a powerful group up here in the trial lawyers. I don't think you can
be pro-doctor and pro-patient and pro-trial lawyer at the same time. I
think you've got to make your choice, and I've made my choice.
(Applause.)
I believe strongly that the Justice administration ought to enforce
the civil rights laws, and we are. I'm the first President to have
banned racial profiling in federal law enforcement. I believe that the
benches ought to reflect, as best as possible, the diversity of our
country. And I believe my administration ought to, too, and I've
fulfilled that commitment. I've got people from all walks of life who
advise me.
My Cabinet is diverse. The people who walk into the Oval Office
and say, Mr. President, you're not looking so good today, they're
diverse. (Laughter.) And I'm better off for it. I'm better off for
listening from people from different walks of life. And our bench will
be, too, if we can get people to have a fair hearing on the floor of
the United States Senate. They need to stop playing politics with my
nominees for the sake of good justice, for the sake of diversity and
for the sake of unclogging some of these federal courts that have got
loaded dockets, because the Senate won't approve some of my nominees.
Finally, I believe a compassionate America is one that taps into
the strength of the country. Those are the hearts and souls of our
people. I like to remind our citizens, government can hand out money
but it cannot put hope in a person's heart. That happens when a loving
soul puts their arm around somebody in need, and says, what can I do to
help you. That's the whole crux of the faith and community initiative
-- faith-based and community initiative that I have worked with
Congress on and worked with my administration on to spread compassion
in America. Oh, I know there's a big debate here in Washington about
separation of church and state, and I accept that debate. And I think
it's important. The church should never be the state and the state
should never be the church. No question about it.
But when we find effective programs that are helping to save
people's lives, the government ought to open up federal money to those
programs for competitive bidding. We ought not to fear faith-based
programs. We ought not to fear those who are willing to love their
neighbor just like they'd like to be loved themselves.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: Excuse me. Excuse me. I think it's very important
for the faith-based initiative to continue on, because I know we can
save America one heart, one soul, one conscience at a time.
(Applause.)
One of the most important initiatives is the drug rehabilitation
initiative I've asked Congress to work with me on. Let me tell you how
it works. They appropriated $100 million to help those who are hooked
on drugs. A lot of times the government counseling program can work.
But a lot of times it requires a change of heart in order to change
habits. And so, therefore, a person who is desperately seeking help
will be able to take a voucher and have that voucher redeemed at a
program of his or her choice, faith-based or not. We need to give
people who need help the opportunity to interface with those fantastic
healers and helpers that literally are saving our country one heart and
one soul at a time.
I've got a duty as your President to work as hard as I can to
secure our country. It's a duty that goes on. September the 11th
changed the world. It changed how we must look at our internal
security. There is some thinking here in America that says, if you go
on the offense against the terrorists, you're creating more
terrorists. That is a woeful misunderstanding of the nature of the
terrorist threat. (Applause.)
These were the people who were training for years to bring harm to
freedom-loving people. These were the people who took -- who gained
confidence because there was no response when they wantonly killed
around the world. These are people who you cannot negotiate with, you
cannot bargain with. And these are people that you must not hope for
the best. See, they're cold-blooded killers, they will kill you just
like that, in order to create fear and intimidation. My most solemn
duty is to protect our country. I will continue to do so by hunting
these killers down around the world and bringing them to justice before
they hurt us here at home. (Applause.) And as we do so, we will
continue to spread freedom and peace.
I want to tell you a story about an event that took place in the
Oval Office. Seven men came to see me, from Iraq. They had had their
right hands cut off by Saddam Hussein. You know why? Because his
currency had devalued and he needed a scapegoat. In this case, he
needed seven scapegoats. I asked one of the fellows who came in to see
me, he said -- I said, why you? And he said, well, because he happened
to have sold dinars to buy euros, I think he said, to buy gold so he
could manufacture the jewelry that he was making. He made this
transaction on -- evidently on the wrong date, because the dictator
picked him out and said you're one of seven, and I'm cutting off your
hand and burning an "X" in your forehead. And these were the fellows
that came to see me.
They came to see me because their story was documented and Marvin
Zindler -- I don't know if there are any Houstonians here, but you know
Marvin Zindler, he's a -- yes, you know Big Marv. (Applause.) Yes,
sir, born and raised in Houston, he knows -- he was brought up by
Marvin Zindler. Big 2 News. He flew them over to Houston, and they
got new hands. And they were coming to see me in the Oval Office. And
it was a very emotional moment for all of us. A guy took a Sharpie,
folded it in his new hand, and wrote, "God bless America," in Arabic.
You see, he said, "God bless America" because he had been liberated
from the clutches of a brutal tyrant who whimsically could cut off a
hand.
The contrast was sharp to me, about the nature of freedom, a free
society and a tyrannical society. Free societies are peaceful
societies. Free societies help people realize their dream. Free
societies are compassionate societies.
In the Oval, I told them, I said, you know, I'm glad you're here;
it's very important for you to know that a successful President is one
who realizes he's not bigger than the office, that the office of
President is always bigger than the person, and that as we help you
build a free Iraq, the institutions must be bigger than the people, so
that never happens to you again.
While we pursue the terrorists and protect ourselves, we must also
be confident in the ideals of liberty, and how freedom can change
societies. You might remember, you cover the news, you might remember
a while back where there was some doubt as to whether or not anybody
would show up to register to vote in Afghanistan. Expectations were
quite low as to how many people would dare take risk to exercise their
God-given right. You might remember the incident when the Taliban
pulled four women off a bus. They saw that they had voter IDs and
killed them. Since that time, millions of people in Afghanistan have
registered to vote. I think the total now is over 8 million people are
lining up to exercise their right as a citizen to participate in a free
society.
The long-term solution to the world is to spread freedom and
liberty, and America must continue to lead. We're the home of
liberty. We believe in freedom. Deep in my soul, I know that freedom
is not America's gift to the world, freedom is the almighty God's gift
to every man and woman in this world. And I believe the United States
of America must lead, must lead the world toward a more peaceful
tomorrow by spreading hope and liberty in places that are desperate for
freedom.
I want to thank you all for giving me a chance to come today. It's
my honor to be here. I look forward to answering some questions. I'm
off to shake a few hands in New Hampshire. But what the heck, it's the
season, isn't it? (Laughter.) God bless you all. (Applause.)
Q Thank you very much, Mr. President. We appreciate you being here
this morning.
THE PRESIDENT: By the way, it's Big 13 News, not Big 2.
(Laughter.) Thank you, 11 numbers. (Laughter.) Excuse me.
Q A little addition. (Laughter.) Good morning, Mr. President.
I'm Julie Chen, with CBS News, and the Asian American Journalist
Association. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: You've got quite a following out there.
Q It is, after all, the season, isn't it? (Laughter.)
I wanted to ask you about protecting all Americans, as well. There
are many Arab Americans and Muslims in this country who find themselves
unfairly scrutinized by law enforcement and by society at large. Just
yesterday we had arrests in Albany, New York. Immediately afterwards,
some neighbors in the community said they feared that the law would
come for them unfairly next. We have a new book out today that suggests
perhaps we should reconsider internment camps. How do we balance the
need to pursue and detain some individuals from not well-known
communities, while at the same time keeping innocent people from being
painted by the broad brush of suspicion?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I appreciate that. First, we don't need
intern camps. I mean, forget it. (Applause.) Right after 9/11, I
knew this was going to be an issue in our country, that there would be
people that say, there goes a Muslim-looking person, therefore that
person might be viewed as a terrorist. I knew that was going to be a
problem. That's why I went to a mosque, to send the signal, right
after the attacks, that said, let's uphold our values. People are
innocent until judged guilty. Religious people, people that go to
mosques, you know, need to be -- Americans need to be viewed as equally
American as their neighbor, be tolerant; let law enforcement, to the
best of their ability, determine guilt or innocence, but our fellow
citizens need to treat people with respect.
By far, most Americans in this country did that, not because I
asked them to, just because by far the vast majority of Americans are
decent people. They care about their neighbors. I don't care where
you're from or what your walk of life is, by far the vast majority of
our citizens are willing to reach out to somebody who is different.
And that needed to be done. As a matter of fact, the anecdotal stories
of neighbors helping neighbors, across religious lines, were heart
warming.
Now in terms of the balance between running down intelligence and
bringing people to justice obviously is -- we need to be very sensitive
on that. Lackawanna, for example, was a -- there was a cell there.
And it created a lot of nervousness in the community, because the FBI
skillfully ferreted out intelligence that indicated that these people
were in communication with terrorist networks. And I thought they
handled the case very well, but at the time there was a lot of
nervousness. People said, well, I may be next -- but they weren't
next, because it was just a focused, targeted investigation. And, by
the way, some were then incarcerated and told their stories, and it
turned out the intelligence was accurate intelligence.
I guess my answer to your question is, is that we've always got to
make sure that people are judged innocent before guilty, that's the
best insurance policy for law enforcement overstepping its bounds. I
will also tell you, however, that the threats we're dealing with are
real, and therefore we must do everything we can to ferret out the
truth and follow leads.
We cannot -- again -- it's interesting, these recent threats, you
know, they're becoming more and more enriched, as you're finding out.
There was more than one thread line -- threat line. People are now
seeing there was other reasons why we took the action we took. When we
find out intelligence that is real that threatens people, I believe we
have an obligation, as government, to share that with people. And
imagine what would happen if we didn't share that information with the
people in those buildings, and something were to happen; then what
would you write, what would you say?
So we have a, in terms of law enforcement, we have a duty to uphold
innocence and guilt. In terms of a government, we have the solemn duty
to follow every lead we find and share information we have with people
that could be harmed. And that's exactly what we've done, and I will
continue to do as the President.
This is a dangerous time. I wish it wasn't this way. I wish I
wasn't the war President. Who in the heck wants to be a war
President? I don't. But this is what came our way. And this is our
duty, to protect our people. It's a solemn duty, and I'll continue
doing it to the best of my ability.
Q Good morning. My name is Mark Trahant. I'm the editorial page
editor of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer and a member of the Native
American Journalist Association. (Applause.) Most school kids learn
about the government in the context of city, county, state and
federal. And, of course, tribal governments are not part of that at
all. Mr. President, you've been a governor and a President, so you
have a unique experience, looking at it from two directions. What do
you think tribal sovereignty means in the 21st century, and how do we
resolve conflicts between tribes and the federal and the state
governments?
THE PRESIDENT: Tribal sovereignty means that, it's sovereign.
You're a -- you've been given sovereignty, and you're viewed as a
sovereign entity. And, therefore, the relationship between the federal
government and tribes is one between sovereign entities.
Now, the federal government has got a responsibility on matters
like education and security to help, and health care. And it's a
solemn duty. And from this perspective, we must continue to uphold
that duty. I think that one of the most promising areas of all is to
help with economic development. And that means helping people
understand what it means to start a business. That's why the Small
Business Administration has increased loans. It means, obviously,
encouraging capital flows. But none of that will happen unless the
education systems flourish and are strong, and that's why I told you
we've spent $1.1 billion in the reconstruction of Native American
schools. (Applause.)
Q Good morning, Mr. President, thanks for coming. I'm Ray Suarez,
a member of the National Association of Hispanic Journalists and --
(applause) -- there's a couple of others here, too -- and senior
correspondent for The News Hour with Jim Lehrer, on PBS.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I recognize you. (Laughter.)
Q In one of the most closely watched cases of the 2003 term, the
Supreme Court split the difference on affirmative action, allowing
Bakke to stand, but rejecting the numerical formulas used by the
University of Michigan undergraduate schools. I'd like to hear your
own view about when, and if, race and ethnicity are admissible as
factors for consideration both in college admissions and in hiring in
the workplace. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. I agreed with the Court in saying that we
ought to reject quotas. I think quotas are discriminatory by nature.
They discriminate -- I think they discriminate on the bottom, and I
know they discriminate on the top. And so I agreed with their
assessment that a quota system was an unfair system for all.
As you might remember, we also agreed with the finding that -- in
terms of admissions policy, race-neutral admissions policies ought to
be tried. If they don't work, to achieve an objective which is
diversification, race ought to be a factor. I agree with that
assessment. I think it's very important for all institutions to strive
for diversity, and I believe there are ways to do so.
When I was the governor of Texas, there was concerns that our big
institutions were not -- big educational institutions were not
diversified enough. So I went to the legislature and said, why don't
we work together and say that there's automatic admission to our
universities if you finish in the top 10 percent of your high school
class, no matter what high school you go to. And it worked. It worked
because the student bodies began to diversify at the University of
Texas, and at Texas A&M.; And -- that's an inside joke up here.
(Laughter.) You're about to hear why.
I have a responsibility to work for diversity, as well, in the
administration. I've met the obligation. If you look at my
administration, it's diverse. And I'm proud of that. Condi Rice is
there because she happens to be a very competent, smart, capable
woman. She's also African American. And she is my closest foreign
policy advisor. I see her every day. When I see Condi, I think,
brilliant person. And I'm glad she's there. Colin Powell -- he was
here yesterday, evidently. Rod Paige -- Rod Paige was the
superintendent of schools in Houston. I wanted somebody who knew what
it meant to run a school district, not a theorist; somebody who knows
what it means to challenge the soft bigotry of low expectations. He
had. He's there. Alfonso Jackson, Elaine Chao, Norm Mineta -- Mel
Martinez was in my Cabinet. We've got a diverse Cabinet. I've got a
diverse administration. Hopefully, that sets an example for people
when it comes to hiring, including news organizations. (Applause.)
Q Mr. President, Roland Martin.
THE PRESIDENT: Tell them what it's about, Martin.
Q Oh, I will. Nationally syndicated columnist with Creators
Syndicate, and also the editorial consultant for the Chicago Defender,
the nation's only daily black newspaper. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Give them what --
Q I will. And representing the National Association of Black
Journalists -- (applause) -- the world's largest minority media
organization. And, the inside joke, a 1991 graduate of Texas A&M;
University. (Applause.) And, Mr. President, before I ask the
question, I hope you'll give our governor, Rick Perry a call. I know
you spend a lot of time in D.C., Mr. President, but they're trying to
cap the top 10 percent in Texas, so that may have an impact on those
students going to college. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, but I appreciate your recognizing that it's
working in the first place.
Q It is -- but they actually -- the percentage of white students
increased, as well. I understand.
THE PRESIDENT: See, sometimes --
Q I understand.
THE PRESIDENT: -- they talk, sometimes they deliver. (Applause.)
Q I understand. It's okay. I'm working with the A&M; president on
that. I also hope that you would take a second round of questions,
from Texan-to-Texan, so we can ask a second question. (Applause.) If
you would do me that favor.
THE PRESIDENT: All right, just ask your two questions.
Q Mr. President, you remarked -- in your remarks you said that 8
million people in Afghanistan registered to vote, and as you said,
exercised their God-given right to vote.
THE PRESIDENT: Right.
Q That may be a right from God, but it's not guaranteed in the
U.S. Constitution. In 2000, an estimated 2 million people -- half
African American -- had their votes discounted, from Florida to Cook
County, Illinois to other cities. (Applause.) Come on, that cuts into
other questions. Are you going to order Attorney General John Ashcroft
to send federal election monitors to Florida and other southern
states? And in this age of new constitutional amendments, will you
endorse a constitutional amendment guaranteeing every American the
right to vote in federal elections? (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: First of all, look, I can understand why African
Americans, in particular, are worried about being able to vote, since
the vote had been denied for so long in the South, in particular. I
understand that. And this administration wants everybody to vote.
Now, I -- the best thing we did was to pass the Helping America
Vote Act with over -- I think it's $3 billion of help to states and
local governments to make sure the voting process is fair. And it's
not just the South, by the way. The voting process needs help all over
the country to make sure that everybody's vote counts and everybody's
vote matter. I understand that. And that's why I was happy to work
with the Congress to achieve this important piece of legislation.
Just don't focus on Florida. Now, I'll talk to the governor down
there to make sure it works. (Laughter.) But it's the whole country
that needs -- voter registration files need to be updated, the machines
need to work. And that's why there's $3 billion in the budget to help,
Roland. And, obviously, everybody ought to have a vote. And what was
your other question?
Q Should we put it in --
THE PRESIDENT: The Constitution amendment?
Q Should we guarantee it in the Constitution?
THE PRESIDENT: I'll consider it. I'll consider it. And what's
your second question?
Q Well, but you said it should be guaranteed in Iraq, why not
America?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, it's not guaranteed in Iraq. People have got
to show up to vote in the first place. This is -- the thing about
democracy is people need to step up and decide to participate in the
first place. There's no guarantees people are going to vote. They
should be allowed to vote. But the problem we have in our society is
too many people choose not to vote. And we have a duty in the
political process -- (applause) -- and you have a duty as journalists
to encourage people to register to vote, to do their duty. I'm not
saying every -- I'm saying people are choosing. It's not guaranteed
they're going to. That's part of the problem we have in America, not
enough people do vote. And you have a duty on your radio stations, on
your TV stations to encourage people to register to vote. I have a
duty to call them out to vote. Of course, I'm going to try to call
them out to vote for me. (Laughter.)
Second round.
Q All right, come back around, sir.
Q Early in your administration, you talked a good deal about
immigration reforms and possibilities there. I have not heard you talk
to that issue so much recently. I wonder what you still think is
possible, given the circumstances that we find ourselves in today.
What is doable, particularly in the short-term?
THE PRESIDENT: Actually, I have talked about it lately. I talked
about it this winter, because I think it's necessary that we reform our
immigration laws. I believe where there's a willing worker and a
willing employer, and they can't find work here in America, the people
ought to be allowed to be here legally to work, that's what I believe.
And I believe there ought to be a process that allows a person to work
here legally, and go home, and come back without fear of being
arrested. (Applause.)
I think there needs to be a -- first of all, this will help bring
people out of the shadows of our society. This will help kind of
legalize a system that takes place everyday, without employers feeling
like they have got to be subjected, or employees feeling like they're
going to be arrested -- subjected to fines or arrested. And so we need
to reform our immigration laws.
Now, the issue there is whether or not people automatically get to
step in the front of the line when it comes to citizenship. I don't
think they should. I think those who have been waiting in line to be a
citizen ought to be allowed to keep that priority in line. I think
people ought to -- in this process ought to be allowed to apply for
citizenship, but I don't think they ought to be treated specially, in
relation to those who have been in line for quite a while. And in
order to solve the logjam for citizenship, Congress has got to raise
the quotas on who can become a citizen. And I support raising the
quotas on certain population groups, like the Mexican nationals, on who
can become a citizen. (Applause.)
The long-run solution, particularly to Mexican immigration, is
going to be to help Mexico develop a middle class. That's why free
trade is so important between our countries. That's why we better be
careful about rhetoric that begins to unwind a free trade agreement
that is making an enormous difference in the lifestyles of people in
Mexico. See, trade, to me, is the great hope for developing nations.
That's why I was a strong supporter of AGOA, the African Growth and
Opportunity Act. It gives people a chance to have a job that's a
meaningful job, because of the trade between the world's largest market
and their countries. NAFTA has made a big difference in lifting lives
of people. It has improved the living standard in Mexico.
Listen, people are coming to the United States to work from Mexico
because they want to make a living for their families. And if they
can't make a living for their families at home, they'll come here to
work. And, therefore, we must work with Mexico to develop a middle
class in the long run, so people can do their duty as a parent at
home. That's what they want. And we need to change our immigration
laws. Will it get done? Probably not this year. This is an election
year -- not much gets done, except for a lot of yelling and elbowing.
But I would like to see reasonable immigration reform come out of the
Congress.
Q A few minutes ago you mentioned the -- every American received a
tax cut that's working. The most onerous tax for many Americans,
particularly on the low end of the scale, is the payroll tax. What can
be done about payroll taxes?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, obviously, I chose to provide tax relief by
income tax cuts, not by payroll taxes, and the reason why is payroll
taxes relief will affect the solvency of Social Security. So I chose
not to deal with the payroll tax.
Q Mr. President, this week, General Tommy Franks, your former
CENTCOM commander has been on tour, talking about his book, talking
about his Iraqi experience. And he conservatively estimated two to
four more years of a large-scale American presence in Iraq. This
morning there is fresh fighting in Najaf, Nasiriyah, Samara. What is
the mission at this point, for 140,000 American forces? And how will
we know when they're done? (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: The mission is for the -- their mission is there
to be a democratic Iraq, where they have elections to elect their
government. That's the mission, to help them achieve that. And that's
important. And that's necessary work. The tactics to achieve that
are, one, we help provide security to the Allawi government as they
move toward elections. Obviously, there are people there that are
still trying to disrupt the election process. They can't stand the
thought of a free society in the midst of a part of the world that's
just desperate for freedom. These people don't like freedom. You know
why? Because it clashes with their ideology. We actually misnamed the
war on terror, it ought to be the struggle against ideological
extremists who do not believe in free societies who happen to use
terror as a weapon to try to shake the conscience of the free world.
(Laughter.)
No, that's what they do. They use terror to -- and they use it
effectively, because we've got good hearts. We're people of
conscience, they aren't. They will cut off a person's head like that,
and not even care about it. That's why I tell you, you can't talk
sense to them. Maybe some think you can, I don't. I don't think you
can negotiate with them. Let me --
Q That two to four year projections --
THE PRESIDENT: No, let me finish. Let me finish, please, sir.
Thank you, though.
We will stay there until the job is completed and our commanders on
the ground tell us. See, I think it's very important for those of us
in the political arena to listen to the commanders on the ground.
Tommy was a great commander on the ground, I listened to him. And now
I'll listen to General Casey as to -- and Ambassador Negroponte as to
when they think we've achieved our mission.
The second stage, by the way, Ray -- he's trying to get me to put a
timetable out there. I'm not going to do it, see. And when the
timetable is busted, they'll say, I told you. (Laughter.) Anyway --
Q We've got to try. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, "A" for effort.
It's still dangerous there, no question about it. The dynamics
have changed, however, because Prime Minister Allawi is now in charge
of the interim government. He's a tough, strong guy who believes that
Iraq can be free and democratic. And that's an important step. It was
-- he's willing to step up and say clearly to the Iraqi people, let's
reject this violence and terrorism that is threatening a better way of
life. He's the fellow who woke up in bed one night in London to
confront an axe-wielding thug -- thugs from Saddam Hussein that tried
to hatchet him to pieces, axe him to pieces. And so he's seen
firsthand what tyranny can do, and he's made a decision, obviously, to
take risk on behalf of a free society.
The key to success, to answer your question about when, is how
quickly the Iraqis are trained and prepared to take action,
themselves. The ultimate success of our venture in Iraq, which is a
free and democratic country, will depend upon how quickly we can help
the Iraqis defend themselves. The will is there, and now they must
have the training and equipment to provide them what is necessary to do
their duty in a free society.
One of the biggest fears many Iraqi citizens have is that we're not
a country of our word, people don't want to take risks. They
understand that at this point in time, if a vacuum were created,
anarchy would reign, and there would be mayhem and bloodshed. And
they're fearful that the United States will once again say something
and not mean it. I say "once again," because you might remember at
different times during Iraqi history they were -- they believed they
heard something, in terms of U.S. support, and it didn't happen. And
then there was a lot of death as a result of unfulfilled expectations.
We've got to stay with them until they achieve the objective.
Nice try.
Q Mr. President, you say, "Quotas are an unfair system for
all," with regards to your opposition to affirmative action.
THE PRESIDENT: No, no, no, whoa, whoa. With regard to my
opposition to quota systems.
Q To quotas, okay. But I've never heard you speak against
legacy. (Applause.) Now, the President of Texas A&M;, Robert Gates,
said that he would not use race in admissions, and then he later said
he would not use legacy. If you say it's a matter of merit, and not
race, shouldn't colleges also get rid of legacy? Because that's not
based upon merit, that's based upon if my daddy or my granddaddy went
to my college. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. I thought you were referring to my legacy.
(Laughter.)
Q That's why I allowed you to go ahead and bring it out.
(Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, in my case, I had to knock on a lot of doors
to follow the old man's footsteps. (Laughter.) No, look, if what
you're saying is, is there going to be special treatment for people --
in other words, we're going to have a special exception for certain
people in a system that's supposed to be fair, I agree, I don't think
there ought to be.
Q So the colleges should get rid of legacy.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think so, yes. I think it ought to be
based upon merit. And I think it also ought to be based upon --
(applause) -- and I think colleges need to work hard for diversity.
Don't get me wrong. Don't get me wrong. You said, against affirmative
action, is what you said. You put words in my mouth. What I am for is
--
Q I just read the speech, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: What speech?
Q In terms of when you came out against the Michigan affirmative
action policy, and --
THE PRESIDENT: No, I said was against quotas.
Q So you support affirmative action, but not quotas.
THE PRESIDENT: I support colleges affirmatively taking action to
get more minorities in their school. (Applause.)
Q That's a long headline, Mr. President. (Laughter and applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: I support diversity, I don't support quotas. I
think quotas are wrong. I think quotas are wrong for people, and so do
a lot of people.
Q Just to be clear. You believe that colleges should not use
legacy.
THE PRESIDENT: I think colleges ought to use merit in order for
people to get in, and I think they ought to use a merit system like the
one I put out.
Q Thank you very much.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Thanks for having me. (Applause.)
END 10:14 A.M. EDT
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