For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
August 7, 2003
Dr. Condoleezza Rice Discusses Foreign Policy
Remarks by National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice at 28th Annual Convention of the National Association of Black Journalists
DR. RICE: It is a great honor for me to be before this
distinguished group. By advancing opportunity for black journalists
you are advancing the values of freedom itself. Your work helps ensure
that our democracy has a broad perspective and a firm moral standing.
It has been almost two years since the September 11th attacks -- and
it is worth taking a moment to reflect and report on the strategy that
America has pursued in responding to that awful day.
No less than December 7th, 1941, September 11th, 2001 forever
changed the lives of every American and the strategic perspective of
the United States. That day produced an acute sense of our
vulnerability to attacks hatched in distant lands, that come without
warning, bringing tragedy to our shores.
In response, we resolved to take the fight to the terrorists
themselves; to use all instruments of our national power to root out
terror networks; and to hold accountable states that harbor
terrorists.
But we also resolved that as we fight to make the world safer, we
must work to make it better. We realized that to win the War on
Terror, we must win a war of ideas by appealing to the hopes of decent
people everywhere . . . helping to give them the chance for a better
life and a brighter future . . . and reason to reject the false and
destructive comforts of bitterness, grievance, and hate.
This resolve to work for a world that is both safer and better is
captured by the President's National Security Strategy, issued almost
one year ago. The strategy calls on America to use our position of
unparalleled strength and influence to create a balance of power that
favors freedom -- to create, in the President's words, the "conditions
in which all nations and all societies can chose for themselves the
rewards and challenges of political and economic liberty."
We have made good progress in implementing its core principles.
Al Qaida has been deprived of its chief sanctuary. Nearly
two-thirds of its senior leaders, operational managers, and key
facilitators have been captured or killed, and the rest are on the run
-- permanently.
He is working with Congress to fund his proposal to increase United
States development assistance by 50 percent -- with new funds going to
countries that govern justly, invest in the health and education of
their people, and encourage economic liberty.
The President has also made clear that fighting the scourge of
HIV/AIDS is both a moral duty and a strategic priority. He has
announced -- and Congress has approved -- a $15 billion dollar
commitment to fight AIDS abroad over the next five years, focusing on
14 countries in Africa and the Caribbean.
This security strategy is historic in its boldness. It is driven
by a vision of freedom and a commitment to human dignity that is truly
global, extending to every continent.
Yet there is one vital region of the world where all the challenges
of our time come together, perhaps in their most difficult forms.
The Middle East is a region of tremendous potential. It is the
birthplace and spiritual home of three of the world's great faiths . .
. and an ancient center of learning and tolerance, and progress. It
is filled with talented, resourceful people who -- when blessed with
greater political and economic freedom and better, more modern
education -- can fully join in the progress of our times.
And yet, today the Middle East -- a region of 22 countries, with a
combined population of 300 million -- has a combined GDP less than that
of Spain. It is a region suffering from what leading Arab
intellectuals call a political and economic "freedom deficit". And it
is a region where hopelessness provides a fertile ground for ideologies
that convince promising youths to aspire not to a university education,
a career, or a family, but to blowing themselves up -- taking as many
innocent lives with them as possible. These ingredients are a recipe
for great instability and pose a direct threat to America's security.
Only nine days after September 11th, the President made clear that
the War on Terrorism could not be won on defense. Homeland security is
a vital challenge of our time, and we can and must do everything we can
to "harden" targets within the United States -- airports, seaports,
power plants, government buildings -- anything terrorists are likely to
set their sights on.
But if we in the United States are not going to change who we are
-- if we are to preserve the nature of our open society -- there is only
so much of this "hardening" we can do. We must also address the source
of the problem.
We have to go on the offense. Rooting the Taliban out of
Afghanistan was the first battle because they had provided the home
base and primary sanctuary for al Qaida. Everyday across the globe
unparalleled law enforcement and intelligence cooperation efforts are
underway, successfully breaking up and disrupting terrorist networks.
Today, the United States and many other nations are helping Afghans
rebuild their country, and form a representative government, with
democratic institutions that protect the rights of their citizens and
help them build a more hopeful future -- and so that Afghanistan is
never again a haven for terrorism.
Confronting Saddam Hussein's Iraq was also essential. Let us be
very clear about why we went to war with Saddam Hussein. Saddam
Hussein's regime posed a threat to the security of the United States
and the world. This was a regime that pursued, had used and possessed
weapons of mass destruction. He had links to terror, twice invaded
other nations; defied the international community and seventeen UN
resolutions for twelve years and gave every indication that he would
never disarm and never comply with the just demands of the world. That
threat could not be allowed to remain unaddressed.
Now that Saddam's regime is gone, the people of Iraq are more free,
and people everywhere need no longer fear his weapons, his aggression,
and his cruelty. The war on terror will be greatly served by the
removal of this source of instability in the world's most volatile
region. And Saddam's removal provides a new opportunity for a
different kind of Middle East.
But if that different future for the Middle East is to be realized,
we and our allies must make a generational commitment to helping the
people of the Middle East transform their region.
This has been the President's clear and consistent message.
As he said in his first State of the Union speech, "America will
take the side of brave men and women who advocate these values around
the world, including the Islamic world, because we have a greater
objective than eliminating threats and containing resentment. We seek
a just and peaceful world beyond the war on terror."
Seven months later, in laying out the case to confront Saddam at
United Nations, he said: "Liberty for the Iraqi people is a great moral
cause, and a great strategic goal. The people of Iraq deserve it; the
security of all nations requires it. Free societies do not intimidate
through cruelty and conquest, and open societies do not threaten the
world with mass murder. . . ."
And, three weeks before the onset of war, the President stated
unequivocally: "The world has a clear interest in the spread of
democratic values, because stable and free nations do not breed the
ideologies of murder. They encourage the peaceful pursuit of a better
life. And there are hopeful signs of a desire for freedom in the
Middle East."
Those signs are multiplying. Consider, for instance, the recent
progress towards peace for Israelis and Palestinians.
At the Red Sea Summits in June, Israelis, Palestinians, and
neighboring Arab states united behind the vision the President has set
forth -- a vision for two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by
side in peace and security. Israeli leaders increasingly understand
that it is in Israel's interest for Palestinians to govern themselves,
in a state that is viable, peaceful, democratic, and committed to
fighting terror. Israel has to fulfill its responsibilities to help
that peaceful state emerge. A new Palestinian leadership is emerging
that understands -- and says, in Arabic and English -- that terror is
not a means to Palestinian statehood, but rather the greatest obstacle
to statehood. And the President's vision and diplomacy have focused
all parties on the crucial issue of what kind of Palestinian state we
are seeking to establish. The President believes that Palestinians,
like people everywhere, deserve democratic institutions, with honest
leaders who truly serve the interests of their people. He is urging
everyone interested in furthering the cause of peace to support
Palestinian leaders committed to the path of reform because he
understands that there will be no peace for either side until there is
freedom for both sides. The President has made clear that all parties
must carry-out their responsibilities and act as partners if a lasting
peace is to be found.
In many ways, the opportunity before us today is similar to that we
faced in the wake of World War II.
The horrific suffering and catastrophic costs of two European wars
in less than thirty years convinced the United States to work in
partnership with Europeans to make another war in Europe unthinkable .
. . by helping to build a free, democratic, prosperous, and tolerant
Europe.
American policy makers set out to create new institutions, such as
NATO, to help realize this vision. We supported European efforts to
promote economic integration -- efforts that eventually evolved into the
European Union. We promoted democratic values at every opportunity.
And, perhaps most importantly, we made a generational commitment to
creating a democratic Germany -- which became a linchpin of a democratic
Europe.
The historical analogy is important. Like the transformation of
Europe, the transformation of the Middle East will require a commitment
of many years. I do not mean that we will need to maintain a military
presence in Iraq as was the case in Europe. I do mean that America and
our friends and allies must engage broadly throughout the region,
across many fronts, including diplomatic, economic, and cultural. And
-- as in Europe -- our efforts must work in full partnership with the
peoples of the region who share our commitment to human freedom and who
see it in their own self-interest to defend that commitment.
And we must have the patience and perseverance to see it through.
There is an understandable tendency to look back on America's
experience in post-War Germany and see only the successes. But the
road we traveled was very difficult. 1945 through 1947 were especially
challenging. The Marshall Plan was actually a response to the failed
efforts to rebuild Germany in late '45 and early '46. SS officers --
called "werewolves" -- attacked coalition forces and engaged in
sabotage, much like today's Baathist and Fedayeen remnants.
In Iraq, much progress has already been made. Tomorrow marks the
100th day since President Bush announced the end of major combat
operations. The road is hard. Remnants of the regime and other
extremists are attacking progress -- just as they did today with the
bombing of the Jordanian Embassy. And coalition soldiers continue to
face mortal dangers and continue to sacrifice for our future peace and
security. Step by step, normal life in Iraq is being reborn, as basic
services are restored -- in some cases beyond pre-war levels
--transportation networks are rebuilt, and the economy is revived .
Banks are opening throughout the country and a new currency -- without
Saddam Hussein's picture -- is being prepared. A country in which,
only months ago, dissent was punishable by death, now sees more than
150 newspapers competing in a new marketplace of ideas.
Most promising of all Governing Council, in which all of Iraq's
major tribal, ethnic and religions groups are represented, has been
formed. As it works closely with the Coalition Provisional Authority,
it also serves as a first step toward Iraqi self-government . . . and
toward a democratic Iraq which can become a linchpin of a very
different Middle East in which the ideologies of hate will not
flourish.
But Democracy is not easy. Our own histories should remind us that
the union of democratic principle and practice is always a work in
progress. When the Founding Fathers said "We the People," they did not
mean us. Our ancestors were considered three-fifths of a person.
America has made great strides to overcome its birth defects -- but the
struggle has been long and the cost has been high.
Like many of you, I grew up around the home-grown terrorism of the
1960s. I remember the bombing of the church in Birmingham in 1963,
because one of the little girls that died was a friend of mine. Forty
years removed from the tragedy I can honestly say that Denise McNair
and the others did not die in vain. They -- and all who suffered and
struggled for civil rights -- helped reintroduce this nation to its
founding ideals. And because of their sacrifice we are a better nation
-- and a better example to a world where difference is still too often
taken as a license to kill.
Knowing what we know about the difficulties of our own history, let
us always be humble in singing freedom's praises. But let our voice
not waver in speaking out on the side of people seeking freedom. And
let us never indulge the condescending voices who allege that some
people are not interested in freedom or aren't ready for freedom's
responsibilities. That view was wrong in 1963 in Birmingham and it is
wrong in 2003 in Baghdad.
The desire for freedom transcends race, religion and culture -- as
countries as diverse as Germany, Indonesia, Japan, the Philippines,
South Africa, South Korea, Taiwan, and Turkey have proved.
The people of the Middle East are not exempt from this desire. We
have an opportunity -- and an obligation -- to help them turn desire
into reality. That is the security challenge -- and moral mission --
of our time.
Thank you.
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