PRIME
MINISTER BLAIR: Good evening, everyone. First of
all, can I say how delighted I am to have President Bush here -- not
just here in Britain, but also here staying with us, and Laura, tonight
at Chequers. And we're looking very much forward to hosting
them. And I think it is yet another example of the strength
of the relationship between our two countries. It is a very
strong relationship, a very special one.
And I know in the discussions we've had
we've ranged over many issues. Obviously, we started with the
discussion of the upcoming G-7/G-8 Summit where we agreed how important
it is that we get across the strong message to people, the summit is
important because it allows us to discuss issues of real importance to
people. I have no doubt that we'll be with people there who
will be making their protest, but I hope they do so peacefully, because
some of the things we're discussing at this summit in terms of global
trade, in terms of the developing world, are things that are of huge
importance not just to the most prosperous countries of the world, but
also to some of the poorest countries of the world.
We touched then on many other issues in
the course of our discussion, including, obviously, missile defense,
the issue of climate change, and a good discussion on Macedonia,
Northern Ireland, the Middle East process, and of course, the state of
the world economy.
And I'm sure you want to ask some
questions about those things. But, once again, can I say,
George, how much I welcome you and Laura here, how delighted we are to
see you. And I know and hope very much this will be a good
evening for you, and set you up in the right frame of mind for the
summit ahead. (Laughter.)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank
you. At Camp David, Tony told me that Chequers was a
beautiful place, and he was telling the truth. And we're
glad -- Laura and I are glad to be here. I appreciate so
very much your hospitality and your friendship. America and
Great Britain have got a special relationship. We both have
pledged to keep the relationship as special as possible, and I'm
convinced it will continue to be.
I, too, look forward to going to
Genoa. You know, I am -- I can't wait to make the case,
along with Tony Blair, about the need for the world trade in
freedom. And for those who want to shut down trade, I say
this to them as clearly as I can: You're hurting poor
countries. For those who kind of use this opportunity to say
the world should become isolationist, they're condemning those who are
poor to poverty. And we don't accept it. We don't
accept it.
We've got a lot in common between our
countries, most of which are values. We value freedom. We
value political dialogue. We value freedom of religion --
freedom of the press, for that matter. But we also value the
fact that we're responsible nations, and that we realize there are some
who are less fortunate than the great land Tony is the leader of, and
our great land, as well.
So at the summit, we'll be talking about
how best to help the continent of Africa deal with HIV/AIDS, how best
to make sure our aid and loans work well, and how best to encourage the
habits of freedom, starting with good education.
So I'm looking forward to it, and I want
to thank you for having Laura and me here. It's a great joy
to be in your beautiful country.
PRIME MINISTER
BLAIR: Right. We'll take some questions. We'll
bring you a mike, I think.
Q Could I ask you
both about what you've been saying to each other about Northern
Ireland, and particularly in view of the President's comments, whether
you feel it's still possible that the package that Britain and Ireland
are going to produce can be even-handed in the continued absence of the
commissioning?
And can I also ask you, Prime Minister
Blair, about your thoughts on Jeffrey Archer, the former Deputy
Chairman of the Tory Party and Conservative MP, starting a four-year
sentence tonight for perjury and perverting the cause of justice?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I'm
afraid, Adam, on the second part, I've really got nothing to say on
that.
In respect to the first part, the package
that we put to the parties will be balanced because it will deal with
all the outstanding issues. It will deal with the issues of
the stability of the institutions, how we get a normalized situation --
we've reduced troop movements and the numbers of troops in Northern
Ireland dramatically, but we want to do more -- how we make sure, too,
that we get a police service that all parts of the community in
Northern Ireland can support.
And then also there is the issue of the
decommissioning, the putting beyond use of paramilitary
weapons. And obviously there's got to be action on all those
fronts. And so we hope very much the people will respond
positively. Because, as I often say to people, you only have to look
at the situation in the Middle East to realize what happens when
negotiation breaks down, when parties move apart from each other, and
how quickly a situation that looked optimistic can become unstable and
dangerous.
And this -- this Good Friday agreement,
this peace process is the only hope for people in Northern
Ireland. And the package has been put forward by ourselves
and the Irish government together. And I hope people respond
positively and realize that the future of generations of people in
Northern Ireland depend on that positive response.
PRESIDENT BUSH: We did spend a
fair amount of time talking about Northern Ireland. I've
reiterated to the Prime Minister that I stood ready to help in any way
-- a simple phone call away; if there's anything I can do to help bring
peace to the region, I will do so. And make no mistake about
it, people shouldn't have any doubt as to where my government
stands. We stand strongly, side-by-side, with Britain when
it comes to decommissioning in Northern Ireland.
Ron.
Q A question for
each of you, please. Mr. Prime Minister, does Saturday's
successful test of a antimissile system in the U.S. affect your opinion
at all of President Bush's plans to deploy a missile shield and scrap
the ABM Treaty?
And to you, Mr. President, as we speak,
environmentalist ministers are meeting in Germany, trying to find a way
to salvage the Kyoto global warming treaty. If the rest of
the world proceeds without you, doesn't it isolate your policies and
your country?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Ron's very good
about taking one question and converting it to
two. (Laughter.)
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well,
first of all, on the subject of missile defense, obviously, we await a
specific proposal from the U.S. administration. But I want to say
this and say it clearly, that I think President Bush is right to raise
the issue of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and say
that that needs new and imaginative solutions, because it's a huge
threat facing the whole of the world.
Secondly, I think that that has got to, as
I said at Camp David, has got to encompass defensive systems and
offensive systems. And I think it's again sensible and right
that we sit down and work our way through that.
And the third thing is that we welcome
very much the approach that President Bush and the administration have
taken to consulting allies, and also making it clear that they wish to
have a dialogue and a partnership with Russia about this issue.
And I think that in combination those
things are bringing about a situation in which we can have a sensible
and rational debate about an issue that is of fundamental importance
facing the world. So I hope that in that spirit, you know,
we will carry forward the dialogue that we have achieved so far.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Let me comment
on that, and then I'll comment on your other question. The
thing I appreciate about the Prime Minister is that he's willing to
think anew as we head into the future. It's hard for any
country to commit to vague notions. But there are some
leaders who just out of hand reject any willingness to think
differently about security. And Prime Minister Blair is not
that way. He's been very forthcoming. He's had
great questions. He's been more than willing to listen to the
philosophy behind moving beyond a treaty that has codified a
relationship that no longer exists.
ABM Treaty codified a relationship between
enemies. Russia is not our enemy. And as we head
into the 21st century, we must think about new ways to keep the
peace. And the Prime Minister has been very
positive. You know, some people just reject new thought out
of hand. And that's certainly not the case. And as time
develops, I will stay in touch -- as our plans develop, I'll stay in
touch with Tony as to what's going on. He's been a great
person with whom to consult on this issue.
The United States is concerned about the
emission of CO2. We share the goal of reduction of
greenhouse gases. We will be, and are in the process --
we'll be presenting a strategy that may have different means than Kyoto
of achieving the same goal. And we're in the process of
developing the strategy.
People shouldn't, just because I gave an
honest assessment of Kyoto's chances in the United States Senate and
what it would mean to our economy, should not think that we don't share
the same goal. We do. We want to reduce
greenhouse gases. Ours is a large economy, generating -- we
used to generate more wealth than we are today, and as a result, we do
contribute greenhouse gases to the atmosphere. And so we're
concerned about it.
But first things first, as far as I'm
concerned. Our strategy must make sure working people in
America aren't thrown out of work. My job is to represent my
country. And I'm going to do so in a way that keeps in mind
the ability for people to find work and for our nation to be
prosperous. And I believe economic growth and sound
environmental policy can go hand in hand.
Mr. Prime Minister, as I assured you, I
will come to you with a strategy that conforms to the goals of Kyoto
and one that is -- that I hope people understand makes sense for our
country.
Q Mr. President,
given the very strong relationship which you say exists between
yourself and Tony Blair, between Britain and the United States, are you
endangering that special, unique, close relationship because Mr. Blair
wants to be a bridge between Europe and the United States, and yet, you
don't seem to be offering very much to help narrow the gulf which seems
to be opening up between Europe and the United States on key issues?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I will let Tony
Blair speak to how he feels my relationship with Europe -- I'm not
going to -- you'll say my answer is not very objective, but, frankly,
after my last trip here, I think the European leaders got to know me
and realize that our country will be engaged with Europe in all
aspects.
In the Balkans, I made it clear, we came
in together and we're going to leave together. When it comes
to trade, I made it clear that we're a strong trading partner, and
we've got to work hard to reduce barriers that prevent us from trading
freely. When it comes to defenses within NATO, we're more
than willing to do our commitment.
And I appreciate Tony's
friendship. I think people will find out that I'm plenty
capable of conducting foreign policy for the United States in a way
that reflects positively on my nation. And I'm glad to be
back in Europe. I look forward to a frank discussion in
Genoa. And I'm confident that we'll find areas to work
together on. When we disagree, we'll do so in a respectful
way.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, I
would just like to add a word on that, if I could,
James. First of all, I think that the way the President came
to Europe and to Gothenburg and made his presentation impressed
everybody who was there. I thought it was a highly successful visit.
And, of course, there may be differences
of the minute, for example, over Kyoto -- though, again, I think it is
helpful that the United States is saying, look, this is not what we can
agree to, but nonetheless, we agree with the aim, we agree with the
objectives, and there are proposals that we will make as to how we can
get there. Now, you know, we've had a very strong position
in favor of Kyoto. That is our position,
obviously. But the fact is that dialogue there is extremely
important.
But, you know, on a whole range of issues,
Europe and America and Britain and America stand
together. We're doing so in the Balkans. We're
doing so trying to sort out the problems of Macedonia. We're
doing so on the issue of world trade. We're going to do so
again on issues like Africa and global health and debt. And
where we're trying to go to the G-7/G-8, and present to the world an
agenda for better and more free trade, for help for the poorest nations
of the world, for stability in the world economy, which is of dramatic
importance not just to our countries, not just to Europe and America,
but to the whole of the world.
This is a passionate belief I have that I
held in theory when I was an opposition leader, and has strengthened in
practice over the last few years that I've been Prime
Minister. And that is not merely, is the relationship
between Britain and America key -- and we are and always will be key
allies -- but when Europe and America stand together, and when they
approach problems in a sensible and serious way and realize that what
unites them is infinitely more important than what divides them, then
the world is a better, more stable, more prosperous
place. When we fall out and diverge, and when people try and
put obstacles in the way of that partnership, then the only people
rejoicing are the bad guys.
That is my basic view after these
years. And just to make one other point. Since this
administration has come to power, on the issue of trade, in particular,
we have seen big steps forward in the relationship between Europe and
America. These are the important things, as
well. There's a whole range of issues that I was dealing
with a couple of years ago which were tough issues here that we've got
resolved. So I think it's against that background that we
make these judgments.
Q Mr. President,
will you be urging your G-7 partners to do more to bring major
economies out of the doldrums? And will you heed the call of
U.S. business and labor groups who urge you to discuss negative
effects of the strong U.S. dollar in Genoa?
And, Prime Minister Blair, I'd like your
views also on whether Europe is doing all it can to stimulate the
global economy.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, one of
the things I'll do, Randy, is to share with my colleagues the successes
we've had at cutting taxes, as well as holding the line on
spending. Let me say this -- successes we've had so far in
holding the line on spending. The President is given a veto
for a reason, Mr. Prime Minister, and that's to hold the line on
spending. As well as to assure them that our Fed is going to
continue to watch our economy very carefully.
The Federal Reserve is independent from
our government, but nevertheless, Mr. Greenspan is sending signals that
he's concerned about the state of our economy. In other
words, we're doing everything we can to, within our own borders, to
deal with an economic slowdown. As for the dollar, the
market needs to determine the price of the dollar.
There's all kinds of folks in our country
insisting the dollar be this way or the dollar be that
way. The best way to determine the price of the dollar is to
let the market determine that price. And that's my message
to business, labor, anybody else who wants our government to intercede
in the market.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well,
just shortly on the question of the European economy, obviously, we
want to see the European economy strengthen. I think the --
quite apart from the impact of the world economy, particularly the
U.S. economy, on Europe is the whole issue of economic reform in
Europe.
We now -- one of the big changes in the
direction of European economic policy over the past couple of years has
been that every year now -- and next year it will be in Barcelona in
March -- we hold an annual summit specifically on the issue of economic
reform, in order that Europe should be not a fortress Europe, but
should be a Europe that is open, competitive, not just within Europe,
with the rest of the world.
Now, I think we've still got a lot of
structural change to get through in Europe. And certainly we
will be raising this obviously in the G-7/G-8, but within the European
Union, as well. It's important that we make big steps forward on that
reform agenda, since whatever the state of the world economy, some of
the rigidities we still have within our own economies have to be
eliminated.
Q Prime Minister,
could you tell us whether you support President Bush's wish to set
aside or get rid of the ABM Treaty? And for President Bush,
could you tell us whether it is likely that you'll want to upgrade U.S.
radar stations in the north of England for your missile defenses?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, in
respect to the first part, as I said a moment or two ago, we welcome
very much the approach the U.S. administration has taken, which is to
say, look, the world has moved on; let us look at what is the right
framework for today, and let us do that in close consultation and
dialogue with Russia, since it's a treaty between these two
countries. And I think that is the right approach to take.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I'm absolutely
convinced we need to move beyond the ABM Treaty, and will continue my
dialogue with President Putin in a couple days time. It is
important for him to know, once again, to hear me say once again,
Russia is not the enemy of the United States. There is no
need for us to live under a treaty that codified a period of time in
which the world was divided into armed camps. It's time to
work together to address the new security threats that we all face.
And those threats just aren't missiles, or
weapons of mass destruction in the hands of untrustworthy
countries. Cyberterrorism is a threat, and we need to work
on that together. There are all kinds of threats that
freedom-loving people will face in the near future. And I
look forward to discussing all those threats with President Putin, as I
have with Tony Blair.
It's premature to determine how best to
track missiles under a new strategic framework. So, to
answer your question about upgrading radars in Britain or in America or
anywhere else, it is too early to determine. The problem we
face under the current system is that it's impossible to do enough
research and development to determine what will
work. Therein lies part of the dilemma for the Prime
Minister. He said, what do you want me to support? What are
you proposing? And what I'm first proposing to Mr. Putin is
that we move beyond the treaty so that we can figure out what does
work.
And I want to remind you all that he was
the leader early on who said that the new threats of the 21st century
will require theater-based systems that will be able to intercept
missiles on launch. Mr. Putin said that. Of
course, that's what I was saying in the course of the campaign, which
led me to believe that there was some common ground. And
that's the common ground on which we're exploring moving beyond the ABM
Treaty. And I look forward to reporting back how the
conversations go here pretty soon to my friend Tony Blair.
John Roberts.
Q I have a
three-part question for you, Mr. President, and a one-part question for
you, Prime Minister Blair.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Wait a minute,
that's four questions.
Q Well, no, it's
essentially one question
PRESIDENT BUSH: Okay, good.
Q -- in three
parts. (Laughter.) I'm wondering, sir, how it is
that's it's taking you so long to make a decision on whether or not to
continue embryonic stem cell research. What is the basis of
the this compromise that we've heard about? And now that
Senator Frist has joined Senator Hatch and former Reaganites in
supporting a continuation of funding for embryonic stem cell research,
do you believe you now have enough political cover on the right to make
a decision in the affirmative?
And, Prime Minister Blair, as some U.S.
laboratories, in anticipation of a negative decision, have started the
process to move to Great Britain, I'd like to know your position on
embryonic stem cell research in the context of the global advancement
of science.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I'll start.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: You're
welcome. (Laughter.)
PRESIDENT BUSH: John, this is a
very serious issue that has got a lot of ramifications to it, and I'm
going to take my time because I want to hear all sides. I
want to fully understand the opportunities and to fully think through
the dilemmas.
And so I will make an announcement in due
course, when I'm ready. And it doesn't matter who is on what
side, as far as I'm concerned. This is a decision I'll
make. And somehow to imply that this is a political decision
is -- I guess either doesn't understand how I -- somebody doesn't
understand how I think, or doesn't understand the full consequence of
the issue. This is way beyond politics.
This is an issue that speaks to morality
and science, and the juxtaposition of the both. And the
American people deserve a President who will listen to people and to
make a serious, thoughtful judgment on this complex issue. And that's
precisely how I'm going to handle it.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: If you'll
forgive me, John, I'm not going to get into any of the debates that are
happening in your country. We have made our decision here,
as you know and as your question implied. The only thing I
would say to you about this issue is that it is an extraordinarily
difficult and sensitive question for people. And I think,
certainly, the best way of resolving it is for people on whatever side
of the argument they are to realize that the people on the opposite
side aren't necessarily badly intentioned or badly
motivated. They're just in an immensely difficult situation,
taking a different perspective.
I think if people approach the question
with that type of goodwill even towards people with whom they
profoundly disagree, then I think the answers are, if not easier to
find, then they're easier to explain. But, as I say, we took
opposition here, but your decision is for the President and people in
the United States.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I was wondering
if anybody has got an extra Pepsodent? (Laughter.) Get it?