President Bush, Russian President Putin Sign Nuclear Arms Treaty
Remarks by President Bush and President Putin at Signing of Joint Declaration and Press Availability
The Kremlin
Moscow, Russia
PRESIDENT BUSH: President Putin, thank you very much. Laura and I
are so grateful for your hospitality and your friendship. It's an
historic and hopeful day for Russia and America. It's an historic day
for the world, as well.
President Putin and I today ended a long chapter of confrontation,
and opened up an entirely new relationship between our countries. Mr.
President, I appreciate your leadership. I appreciate your vision. I
appreciate the fact that we've now laid the foundation for not only our
governments, but future governments to work in a spirit of cooperation
and a spirit of trust. That's good. It's good for the people of
Russia; it's good for the people of the United States.
President Putin and I have signed a treaty that will substantially
reduce our nuclear -- strategic nuclear warhead arsenals to the range
of 1,700 to 2,200, the lowest level in decades. This treaty liquidates
the Cold War legacy of nuclear hostility between our countries.
We've also signed a joint declaration of new strategic relationship
that charts a course toward greater security, political and economic
cooperation between Russia and the United States. Our nations will
continue to cooperate closely in the war against global terror.
I understand full well that the people of Russia have suffered at
the hands of terrorists. And so have we. And I want to thank
President Putin for his understanding of the nature of the new war we
face together, and his willingness to be determined and steadfast and
patient as we pursue this war together.
President Putin and I agree also that the greatest danger in this
war is the prospect of terrorists acquiring weapons of mass
destruction. Our nations must spare no effort at preventing all forms
of proliferation. And we discussed Iran in this context today. We'll
work closely with each other on this very important issue.
Our nations also agree on the importance of a new NATO-Russia
Council that will be launched in a few days in Rome. And, Mr.
President, this council is also a tribute to your leadership and your
vision. For decades, Russia and NATO were adversaries. Those days are
gone, and that's good. And that's good for the Russian people, it's
good for the people of my country, it's good for the people of Europe
and it's good for the people of the world.
Russia and the United States are also determined to work closely on
important regional challenges. Together, we will work to rebuild
Afghanistan. Together, we will work to improve security in Georgia.
We will work to help end fighting and achieve a political settlement in
Chechnya.
Russia and the United States are committed to economic
cooperation. We have launched a major new energy partnership. Private
firms will take the lead in developing and transforming the vast energy
reserves of Russia and the Caspian world to markets through multiple
pipelines such as the Caspian Pipeline Consortium and Baku-Jihan. And
I want to thank you for the cooperation and the willingness to work
together on energy and energy security.
Russia is building its market economy, opening new opportunities
for both our countries. I'm impressed by the level of entrepreneurial
growth here in Russia. It's a significant achievement. Again, it's a
testimony to the leadership of Vladimir Putin.
In a while, we're going to meet with Russian and American business
leaders to discuss how we can continue fostering good relations and
fostering opportunity. We want Russia to be a part of the world
economy. We look forward to one day welcoming Russia as a member of
the World Trade Organization. President Putin and I also agree that
we'll work to resolve disputed areas of trading, such as poultry or
steel, in a spirit of mutual respect and trust.
America welcomes the dramatic improvement in freedoms in Russia
since Soviet days, including the new freedoms of Russia's Jewish
community. In recognition of these freedoms, I am determined to work
with Congress to remove Russia from the Jackson-Vanik amendment. It is
time our Congress responded to my request, President Putin's desire,
that the Jackson-Vanik amendment be removed pertaining to Russia.
I also discussed with President Putin the important role of free
press in building a working democracy. And today we will meet with
media entrepreneurs from both countries. It's an issue we discussed
before. The President said it makes sense to have a forum where media
entrepreneurs can meet and visit. And it's going to take place today.
Mr. President, I appreciate that.
I am pleased with our relationship. I am confident that by working
together, we make the world more peaceful. I'm confident that by
working together, we can win the first war of the 21st century, and
that is the war cold-blooded killers -- against cold-blooded killers,
who want to harm nations such as America and Russia. And I'm confident
that when we work together in a spirit of cooperation on all fronts,
both our peoples will benefit.
Mr. President, thank you for your hospitality.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: Distinguished American colleagues, and
distinguished Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen. We've just
accomplished the official part of our talks with U.S. President George
Bush, for our distinguished colleagues of the visit in Moscow and St.
Petersburg, but now we can name the major result of our talks -- first
of all, the logical development and practical implementation as seen by
our agreements reached in Crawford last year. I mean the signature of
the treaty between Russia on strategic defensive reductions and, first
of all, this document.
It's the statement of our countries to reduce our nuclear arsenals
and the joint work for nonproliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. It's the decision of two states which are particularly
responsible for international security and strategic stability. We're
on the level of adopting the declaration on new strategic relationship
which determines the basic directions in the security and international
policy.
It will have a positive impact for economic cooperation and
development of our relations between the institutions of general
public, and together with Mr. President, we discussed especially this
aspect, the civil society between the people of our countries. The
declaration formulates the principles of our dialogue, anti-missile
dialogue. That is the transparency and openness and exclusion of
potential threats. We confirmed the Genoa agreement on offensive and
defensive systems in all their aspects.
A separate issue, the mechanism of NATO-Russia cooperation within
the framework of 20, it presumes a new level of joint responsibility
and confidence between all its participants.
I would like to stress especially that is the international
novelty. And it happened because of the strengthening of
Russian-American relations, including in joint confrontation to
international terrorists struggling with international terrorism.
Russians work together with American people in September the 8th and
we're grateful for sincere feelings of compassion headed by President
Bush on behalf of American people because of the recent events in
Kaspiysk. The memory of terrorism victims and the responsibility for
the security of our people means joint struggle against this evil, as
well as the struggle against Nazism. The spirit of our cooperation
will mean fruitful results even today.
That's why the agenda has very concrete issues of interaction
against terrorism on the basis of unique standards against any
manifestation of terrorism and extremism. We need close contacts
through all agencies and services, including special services. Here we
have very positive experience we've accrued over the past years. And
we see today -- we feel it today during the negotiations.
The bilateral working group on Afghanistan has demonstrated its
efficiency. And we, Mr. President, would like to transform it on a
group to combat terrorism, especially chemical, biological, nuclear
terrorism.
Russia and the United States are oriented to build new relations in
economic activity. Our businessman mentality is much alike, that their
qualities and their joint work is based on free trade and supporting
the initiatives. That's why our task is to open new opportunities for
business community.
We need to avoid obstacles of the past. Here we mean not only the
market status of the Russian economy -- and I'm grateful to Mr.
President that he has given a very positive signal during our talks.
And it does also mean such things as Jackson-Vanik amendment, we have
to remove administrative obstacles, which encurls both countries to
cooperate, especially in the high-tech sphere, which determined the
economy of the 21st century -- that is the aeronautics,
telecommunications, science and technologies, new sources of energy. I
would like to focus on energy, especially nuclear energy. We paid much
attention to it today. And the large format of our cooperation will be
a great element for the global economy on the whole.
I would like to stress, in conclusion, that, of course, not all
ideas, not all initiatives, are on paper and in the form of official
documents. But a serious move forward in all these issues is quite
evident for us. Today we together counteract global threats and
challenges and we're going to form a stable world order that is within
the interests of our peoples and our countries. And I think it's in
the interest of all the civilized human society.
Thank you.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Name your agency.
Q I have a question for both Presidents, please. If we've truly
entered a new era, why do you each need 1,700 nuclear weapons? And,
President Putin, why does Russia need to continue producing nuclear
warheads? And to, President Bush, why does the United States need to
keep some 2,000 of these weapons in storage, ready for deployment?
PRESIDENT BUSH: First of all, remember where we've come from.
We've come from 6,000 to 1,700 in a very quick -- or to 1,700 to 2,200
in a very quick period of time. You know, friends really don't need
weapons pointed at each other. We both understand that. But it's a
realistic assessment of where we've been. And who knows what will
happen 10 years from now. Who knows what future presidents will say
and how they react.
If you have a nuclear arsenal, you want to make sure they work.
It's -- one reason that you keep weapons in storage apart from
launchers is for quality control. And the thing I think it's important
for you to know, Ron, is that we've made tremendous progress from the
past. And the treaty is setting a period of time in the rear-view
mirror of both countries. And I am not only confident that this is
good for world peace, I'm confident this sets the stage for incredible
cooperation that we've never had before between our countries.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: I concur with the assessment given by my
colleague, Mr. Bush. And naturally, our position is well-known, we are
guided by the facts that it's more worthwhile perhaps to eliminate a
certain part of nuclear potentials. At the same time, I'd like to
point out another thing here. Any man who has at least once in his
career dealt with arms, had arms in his hands, at least to hunt or a
rifle or whatever, he knows that it's much better, much safer to have
it in stock disarmed, disassembled perhaps, rather than to have it in
your arms and charged with bullets in it and with your finger on the
trigger at the same time. This is a different state of affairs, as it
were.
And the fact that we agreed with President Bush regarding such
detente, in such manner, this is a serious move ahead to ensure
international security, which is a very good sign as regards the
relationship between our two countries.
Now, as to why Russia should continue to produce nuclear arms, I'd
like to say that this is not our priority. But in addition to Russia
and U.S. out there, there are other states who possess nuclear arms.
What is more concerning, there are countries who want to acquire
weapons of mass destruction. Experts in the area of international
security are aware of the fact, and they have been talking a lot about
nuclear arms as deterrent.
Moreover, many of them assert -- and it is difficult to dispute
this fact -- they say the existence of the nuclear arms was an
impediment, an obstacle which contained the world from large-scale wars
over the past decades, let's say. And I think we should take that into
consideration while building a new quality of relationship within the
two main nuclear states of the world.
We also should pay attention to the whole set of relations
currently in the world out there and we should take into account the
prospects of development of the world in the realm of security, bearing
in mind those potential threats I've mentioned here.
Q Mr. Bush, when we can hope that Jackson-Vanik will be
rescinded, which currently is very out of place? That's, you know, a
remnant of the Cold War here. And will the U.S. -- can you use it as a
leverage of applying pressure on Russia? And when Russia will finally
be recognized as a marketplace country? And what's the prospect of
Russia's accession to WTO?
And now to Mr. Putin, Russian President. What's your idea of how
U.S. Boeings can help Russian civil aviation?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I couldn't make myself clearer during my opening
statement about how I feel about Jackson-Vanik -- not much action by
the Congress of the United States and I hope they act. The
market-based economy is an issue that the President and I talked
about. It is a regulatory matter, the responsibility of which resides
at the Commerce Department. Secretary Evans and I have to talk about
this subject, and we'll have an answer to the President soon.
And in terms of success of Russia ascending into the WTO, it's
something that we want. It's in our nation's interest that Russia be a
part of the WTO. And we look forward to working with the President and
respective ministers, to see that that happens. It's in our interest
that that happen. So it's hard for me to predict the timetables on all
the issues you mentioned. Those over which I have got direct control
will happen relatively quickly.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: Well, you know, while talking about the whole set
of commercial and trade ties between our two countries, today we've
mentioned more than once that we are facing somewhat an unusual
situation in this area today, which has to do with the fact that while
improving relations in disarmament matters, building confidence and so
on and so forth, at the same time, we're expanding the whole set of
relations in economic area. And, naturally, we'll face new problems we
never had to deal with before.
The position taken by the U.S. administration and the President is
known to us as regards Jackson-Vanik. It's precisely the
administration who initiated its rescinding. And business communities
of our two countries, American and Russian business communities,and
their interaction together with the interaction of the parliamentary
issues, will be able to remove similar problems in automatic manner, I
guess.
Now, as regards your specific question on purchase of Boeings, I
must say that the best lobbyist of the interests of U.S. companies will
be American President standing here, since both Boeings and poultry and
other matters very often have been told by my colleagues. People
usually say, well, it's not on our level, but I must say -- and then
there will be a lengthy monologue on specific matters.
Anyhow, you've posed a very acute and very specific question. Why
it's acute, because it's on the agenda or practical interaction. And
it's very specific since it has a bearing to very specific matters.
And since it's acute and specific, I'll answer as one should in
gentlemen's society, in a very general manner.
First and foremost, our carriers, in my opinion, should be
primarily guided towards Russian aircraft producers. Why? Because
Russian manufacturers, you know, don't have anywhere to sell their
products, otherwise, because they are not let anywhere, or with a lot
of difficulty. They only can sell it domestically. That's the first
thing. And here we can talk about interaction on the market. Now, the
second thing, primarily Aeroflot, should be competitive on the market,
and should have advanced technology in their hands. Therefore, they
both have American Boeings today. They also have European Airbus
aircraft. And the question has been raised currently on additional
purchase, on replacement of old equipment with those foreign aircraft.
Now, I should say, depending on the decision to be taken by
economic structures, this is not a political question, mind you. The
economic structure should decide on it. A lot will depend on it in
regards of the state of our political interaction, of course. And our
American colleague's proposal today is a little bit costlier than the
European's proposal. Had Americans bought our cheap aluminum and
steel, then their aircraft would have been cheaper and more
competitive, including in our market.
So all of this jointly has been a subject of our discussions with
the President here, and our good friend and partner, Secretary of
Commerce and economy. And I think that in the course of normalization
of trade and commerce relations, all these issues will be addressed in
a most mutually advantageous manner.
Q -- state sponsor of terrorism. I wonder because of that if
these Russians sales that you object to continue, does that -- this new
strategic relationship you're discussing today bump up against what you
outlined in your speech to Congress when you said, in the war against
terrorism, you're either with the United States or against the United
States?
And, President Putin, the Bush team says that your sales of nuclear
technology and sophisticated military technology to Iran are the
world's single biggest proliferation problem right now. Do you agree
with that assessment, and did you make any specific promises today in
your meeting with President Bush?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, first, we spent a lot of time on this
subject. And as I said yesterday in Germany, I worry about Iran and
I'm confident Vladimir Putin worries about Iran, and that was confirmed
today. He understands terrorist threats, just like we understand
terrorist threats. And he understands that weapons of mass destruction
are dangerous to Russia, just as they are to America. And he's
explained that point himself, of course, now, he standing here.
But we spoke very frankly and honestly about the need to make sure
that a non-transparent government run by radical clerics doesn't get
their hands on weapons of mass destruction. It could be harmful to us
and harmful to Russia. And the President can speak for himself. And
he gave me some assurances that I think will be very comforting for you
to listen to. And I'm confident we can work together on this issue.
This is in both our countries' mutual interest that we solve this
problem.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: I will confirm what Mr. Bush has just said, and I
agree with your evaluation of threats in this regard. Generally
speaking, I believe that the problem of nonproliferation is one of the
key problems as regards ensuring international security.
Incidentally, this happened to be one of the main motivating and
underpinning logical stimuluses to work in Russia-NATO framework
together on non-proliferation on nuclear arms.
At the same time, I'd like to point out that cooperation between
Iran and Russia is not all a character which would undermine the
process on non-proliferation. Our cooperation is exclusively, as
regards energy sector, focused on the problems of economic nature. I'd
like to point out also that the U.S. has taken a commitment upon
themselves to build similar nuclear power plant in North Korea, similar
to Russia.
And in addition to Iran, I think, we also need to think about other
countries here. For example, we have some questions concerning
development of missile programs in Taiwan, in some other countries
where we've been witnessing active work of producing mass destruction
weapons and their carriers. All of that should be a subject of our
in-depth discussion both bilaterally and in the frameworks of
NATO-Russia agreement. That's one of the key issues of the modern
times, I believe.
It would seem to me that in order to be efficient, in this sense,
like in other areas, we need to address the main task, to upgrade
confidence mutually. And today I mentioned to President Bush here,
that as regards Iran and some other countries, according to our data,
the missile programs of those countries, nuclear programs, are built
largely on the basis of the technologies and with the support of the
Western companies. We do have such info, and we stand ready to share
it with our American partners. So if we pursued that way, not dealing
with generalities, then we'll get results with respect to this very
complicated and very important for our two countries track.
And the conclusive question.
Q To both Presidents, to what extent the treaty ensures real
nuclear parity, and are there conditions that the treaty can be
terminated by either side? And how true is the fact that Russia still
remains as one of the nuclear targets for nuclear forces? And how does
that relate to the announced new strategic relations between our two
countries?
PRESIDENT BUSH: -- is a treaty. This document is a treaty that
will be confirmed by the United States Senate and the Duma, hopefully.
Secondly, treaties have always had outs; there's nothing new about
that. There are conditions of which things may change and people get
out of treaties. That's the way it's been. The Anti-Ballistic Missile
Treaty had an out; there's nothing new about that. And, thirdly, you
know, we are going to work to end the -- forever end the Cold War. And
that begins with the statement that Russia's our friend, not our
enemy.
And you say targeting -- I mean, the idea of our weaponry, our
military has no aims at Russia. There may be old vestiges in place,
but Russia's not an enemy. You don't think about how to deal with
Russia the way they used to. Russia is a friend. And that's the new
thinking. That's part of what's being codified today.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: As regards the parity, the parity relationship of
sorts, the weight of military potentials and nuclear potential, and so
on, so forth, each state would have its own strategy of development of
what you refer to as nuclear deterrent process. But I'd like to assure
you that all the action undertaken by us in this area fully confirmed
with the interests of the Russian Federation. The documents signed
today are a result of joint effort of the Minister of Defense and
Chiefs of staff and our Minister of Foreign Affairs, of course, jointly
with our American colleagues. And we proceed from the assumption we
have today, and we try to forecast the status of affairs in the world
for a lengthy period of time -- I would like to point out, again, for a
lengthy perspective.
Now, as regards the question of verification and control, perhaps,
I'd like to point out that we're very much satisfied with the U.S.
administration approach to this question. Our American partners have
agreed that we need to retain START I, which is provided for by the
system of verification. We agreed we will continue this work on the
basis of the documents signed today, as well.
And what was the second part of the question, incidentally? The
mike was off at this time. Regarding those targets, that was not to
me. I will also make a remark here, regarding aiming targets. And Mr.
Baluyevskiy, our military First Deputy Chief of Staff, is here with
us. He and his American counterpart are full aware of those things,
targeting aims and other things involved and what is the status today
of those aimings and targeting. All in speculations in the press are
nothing but expression of domestic political infight either here or in
the U.S., just on the verge of the visit.
We are not being emotional here. We're not talking to the press,
but as experts, we're full aware of that and we have no concern
whatsoever in this regard.
Thank you. Thank you for your kind attention and for your
participation.